Skip to main content

Full text of "Bibliotheca sacra"

See other formats

This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 
to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 
publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 

We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http : //books . google . com/ 



PKl3 F 

AH 3 




^^ ; \m 









flwcbavt ©nttflaftg 

Itftrarg of tJje ©ibfnftg Scfjool 


4^ WiAo- 7 Cc:*r- /^<7r. 


zed by Google 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 




A Religious and Sociological Quarterly 








Digitized by CjOOQ IC 



■33.\ — ^ ^ h eu./ij , r. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 















PEARE 132 







Romantic Psychologizing. A. A. Berle 158 

The "Fonrth Day " in Genesis. H. W. Magoun 169 

A Jewish Temple in Egypt, b.c. 525-411 170 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

iv Contents, 


Christian Theology In Outline, by W. A. Brown (A. 
T. Swing). — Unbelief in the Nineteenth Century, by 
H. C. Sheldon (A. T. S.).— History of English Con- 
gregationalism, by R. W. Dale (A. T. S.).— A Short 
History of American Presbyterlanlsm. — Rudolf 
Eucken's PhlloBophy of Life, by W. R. B. Gibson 
(J. Lindsay). — ^The Religious Conception of the 
World, by A. K. Rogers. — Jesus Christ and the Civi- 
lization of To-day, by J. A. Leighton (A. T. S.). 
— Essays in Pastoral Medicine, by A. O'Malley 
(E. M. Merrins).— Christianity and the Social 
Crisis, by W. Rauschenbusch.— The Church and the 
Changing Order, by S. Mathews. — ^The Ancestry of 
our English Bible, by I. M. Price.— The Teachings 
of Jesus in Parables, by G. H. Hubbard. — Gospel 
Development, by C. T. Ward. — Ancient Masters and 
Jesus, by W. B. Hartzog.^Tent and Testament, by 
H. Rlx. — A Summary of the Literatures of Mod- 
em Europe, by M. Edwards (J. L.). — ^Books Re- 















Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

Contents. v 


The Poverty and Vice of London. G. Frederick Wright 368 

Use and Ahuse of Apologetics. Abraham Kuyper 374 

Theological Unrest In England 379 

The Removal of Andover Seminary. William Ed- 
wards Park 386 


Ehe- und Familienrecht der Hebr&er, by T. Engert 
(H. M. Wiener).— Old Testament Problems, by J. 
W. Thlrtle. — ^Die Apostolischen Vftter: Clemens, 
Hennas, Barnabas, by D. Vdltner (A,T. S.).— Choix 
de Textes Religieux Assyro-Babyloniens, by P. 
Dhorme (G. A. Barton).— A Study of the Earliest 
Letters of Caspar Schwenckfeld von Ossig (A. S. 
Root).— Luther's Table Talk, by P. Smith (A. T. 
8.) — Life In the Homeric Age, by T. D. Seymour (C. 
B. Martin). — Woman, by J. Donaldson (W. Denni- 















Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

vi Contents. 











History of Babylonia and Assyria, by H. Wlnckler. — 
The Early Traditions of Genesis, by A. R. Gordon. 
— Coutumes des Arabes au Pays de Moab, by A. 
Jaussen (G. A. B.). — ^Legal and Commercial Trans- 
actions, by A. T. Clay. — Systematic Theology, by 
A. H. Strong.— History of the Christian, by P. 
Schaff. — ^A History of the Christian Church, by 
S. Cheetham.— The Cities of St Paul, by W. M. 
Ramsay. — A Critical and Exegetical Commentary 
on the Gospel according to S. Matthew, by W. C. 
Allen. — A Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels, by 
J. Hastings.— The Dated Events of the Old Testa- 
ment, by W. J. Beecher. — Between the Testaments, 
by D. Gregg. — Life and Light. — Positive Preaching 
and Modem Mind, by P. T. Forsyth.— What Shall I 
Believe.— The Christ that is to be.— The ■Significance 
of the Personality of Christ for the Minister of To- 
day. — History of Ancient Civilisation, by C. Selg- 
nobos. — ^The Inquisition In the Spanish Dependen- 
cies, by H. C. Lea. — A History of the United States 
and Its People, by E. M. Avery. — Roman Constitu- 
tional History, by J. E. Granrud (H. W. M.).— The 
Inward Light, by H. F. Hall.— The Churchman, 




Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

Contents. vii 


















IX. NOTES 765 

jQstlflcatlon by Faithfulness: The True Doctrine of 

Jesus and PauL A. B. Curtis 755 

Ground of Authority in Religion 750 

The Sacrifice of Christ as a Ransom Paid to the 

Devil. Henry A. Stlmson 761 


Jerusalem, by Q. A. Smith.~Light from Egyptian 
Papyri, by C. H. H. Wright— A History of the An- 
cient Egyptians, by J. H. Breasted.— The New 
SchafT-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowl- 
edge. — ^The Irenaeus Testimony to the Fourth Gos- 
pel, by F. G. Lewis.— Philosophical Baals of Relig- 
ion, by J. Watson.— Roots of Reality, by B. B. Bax. 
—Etudes sur la Doctrine de Dieu, by P. Lobstein 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

viii Contents. 

(F. W. Hass). — Aux Croyants et aux Athfiea, by W. 
Monod (F. W. H.)— La Notion de TEsprlt, by J. 
Arnal (F. W. H.). — Christ and the Eternal Order, 
by J W. Buckham. — Jesus Christ the Son of God, 
by W. M. Macgregor.— The Lord of Glory, by B. B. 
Warfleld. — New Horoscope of Missions, by J. 8. Den- 
nis. — The Philosophy of Loyalty, by J. Royce. — 
WycUffe and the Lollards, by J. C. Carrlck. — God's 
Choice of Men, by W. R. Richards.— The Church of 
To-day, by J. H. Crooker.— ^Sunday-Schools the 
World Around. 

INDEX 777 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 








^^ Heligiou^ and Sociological Quarterly 








TESTAMENT. - J. M. S. Bal] 



Theodore W. Hu 




A JEWISH TEMPLE IN EGYPT. 6.0. 525-411. 

H. W. Mago 




Digitized by VjOOQIC 


CONTENTS— Volume V., 1906. 

Inscription at Dog River, Syria (1 Illustration.) By Prof. G. Frederick Wright. 
Cliff Ruins of Northern Mexico (8 Illustrations.) By A. H. Blacki&ton. 

The Pyramids of Zamna and Kabul (2 Illustrations.) 

By Srita. Natalie von Schenck. 
Stone Effigies of Southern Russia (3 Illustrations.) By Herr Vladimir Riedel. 

Researches In Palestine (7 Illustrations.) By Rev. Llewellyn L. Henson, D. D. 

Tihe Archaeological Museum of Florence, Italy (3 Illustrations.) 

By Prof. G. Frederick Wright 
The Palestine Exploration Fund. By Rev. Theodore Wright, Ph. D. 

Among the Sun-Temples of Coele-Syria (13 Illustrations.) 

By Rev. Benjamin W. Bacon, D. D., LL. D. 
The EoMthIc Problem. By Prof. Henry W. Haynes. 

Another Ancient Flint Quarry near Seneca, Missouri. By W. C. Barnard, M. D. 
The " Cenotes " of Yucatan (1 Illustration.) By Srita. Natalie von Schenck. 

The Pillager Indians (4 Illustrations.) By Mr. Frank Abial Flower. 

Augustus' Altar of Peace (4 Illustrations.) By Prof. James C. Egbert, Ph. D. 

Sancta Maria Antiqua (5 Illustrations.) By Prof. James C. Egbert, Ph. D. 

The Origin and Antiquity of Man. By Mr. Warren Upham. 

Casas Grandian Outposts (8 Illustrations.) By A. H. Blackiston. 

Prehistoric Places around Couvin, Belgium (1 Illustration.) 

By Baron Alfred De Loe. 
Sacred Springs In the Southwest (U. S.) (4 Illustrations.) By Mr. Walter Hough. 
Roman Terra-cotta Lamps (6 Illustrations.) By Prof. Edward W. Clark. 

Important Discoveries by Dr. Petrle. By Rev. William Copley Winslow, D. C. I* 
The Cedars of Lebanon (8 Illustrations.) By Prof. G. Frederick Wright. 

The Birth of Venus: A Qreek Relief and a Renaissance Painting (2 IllU4Strations.) 

By Prof. Samuel Allen Jeffers. 
Documents from the Temple Archives of Nippur (12 lUubti-atlons.) 

By Mr. D. D. Luckenbill. 
The Bismya Temple (11 Illustrations.) By Mr. EMgar James Banks. 

Mound Builders of the Mississippi Valley (3 Illustrations.) 

By Mr. Richard Herrmann. 
Petrie's Work In the Delta. By Rev. William Copley Wlnslow, D. C. L. 

Submerged Trees In the Columbia River (3 Illustrations.) 

By Prof. G. Frederick Wright 
The Mosque of Isa Bey at Ephesus (6 Illuetratlons.) By A. E. Henderson, R. B. A. 
Green Lake and its Mounds (12 Illustrations.) By Rev. Horatio Gates. 

The Hyksos. By W. M. Flinders Petrle, D. C. L., F. R. S. 

The Pajarito Ruins: Their Accessibility (4 Illustrations.) By Mr. Hugh H. Harris. 
Prehistoric Village Site, Ross County, Ohio (14 Illustrations.) 

By Mr. William C. Mills. 
The City of the Creed (12 Illustrations.) By Miss Isabel BYances Dodd. 

The Shell Heaps.of Florida (6 Illustrations.) By Rev. Charles De Wolfe Brower. 
Recent Archaeological Legislation. By Prof. Francis W. Kelsey, Ph. D. 

The Dome of SS. Sergius and Bacchus at Constantinople (5 Illustrations.) 

By Allan Marquand, Ph. D. 
Ancient American " Free Delivery." By Frank Abial Flower. 

Mound Builders of the Mississippi Valley (2 Illustrations.) By Richard Herrmann 
The Fortress of Masada (4 Illustrations.) By Frederick Bennett Wright, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

Volume I 

Number 1 



JANUARY, 1908 


The Caix to Theology ..... FnMCi9 O, Peabody 

MoDEBir Ideas of God ...... Arthur 0. MoQilfert 

Is OuB Pbotestantism Still Protestant? WiUiam Adams Braum 

A Tdbniwo Point in Synoptic Criticism Benjamin W. Bacon 

Bbcbnt Szcavations in Palestine David O. Lyon 

The Economio Basis of the Problem of Evil Thomas N. Carver 

The Divine Providence ..... Charles F. Dole 





SsbscHpttoa Price, $2.00 a Year 

Sinf le Copies, 50 Cents 

Spedmen copies on application to the Editors, Cambridge, Mass. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

60 YEARS' 

Trade Marks 

Copyrights Ac. 

AnyoimBGndlnff a nl;of ^h mid description may 
qulckiy iiacertain our cipiiiinn free wfietlior ail 
hiveiil ion is prohnbly patoiiijible. Coinrnunlcn- 
LlotiBatrlctlyconUUeiiUiil. HANCnOOK on Patents 
Bont free. Old cat upen cy fur Hocunnjf patents. 

Fat^iiLA taken tbroutrh Munn & Co. receive 
tpeciiU notice, without c hftrg o, in the 

Scientific JInierlcam 

A taandaomelT llhiftnted weekly. Jjenreet dr> 
calatlon of any fdenUflo loorneL Temift, 9S a 
year: four months, IL BoldbreUr 

year : four montna, 9L ooia ojtui newadeaiera. 


Please observe that we 
are prepared to fill out 
incomplete sets of 


at special prices. 

Bibliotheca Sacra Co. 



on Biblical 

For Rent and For Sale 

We have a fine list of lantern slides illus- 
trating Biblical Archaeology which wiD 
interest eveiy Qergyman who uses the 
Stereopticon in his Church work. The 
Series includes discoveries in the Tigro- 
Eluphrates VaDey, Persia, Asia Mmor, 
Palestine, Syria, Elgypt and Rome, bear- 
ing on Biblical Archaeology. 

If you are interested, write us for lists 
and prices. 

Records of the Past 

330 A Street Southeaet 

Three Seriee of Lantern Slidee 

Glacial Series 

75 Views— $30.00 

Including existing Glaciers from all parts 
of the world. Glacial Deposits, Maps 
and Diagrams. 

Man and the Glacial 

Complete Series— 100 Views— $40.00 

Including existing Glaciers, Glacial De- 
posits, Human Remains found beneath 
Glacial Deposits, Maps and Diagrams. 

Man and the Glacial 

Abridged Series--60 Views— $24.00 

This series is accompanied by an intro- 
duction, and a complete description of 
the views, maps and diagrams written by 
Prof, a F. Wright, D.D., LL.D. 
F.GJSA. A list of these slides will be 
furnished on application. 

Single Slides from these Series, 50 cents 

Exploration Society 

Washington, D. C. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

The American Exonomic Association 

The imbUcatlons of the Association were begun in 1886, and have continued to 
ai^ear in varions forms and series. They number twenty-five complete volumes to 
the dose of 1906, and include many of the most important monographs on economics 
that have appeared in America. A complete list will he sent on application to the 
addresses below. Recent numbers are as follows : 

Volume VI, 1905. 
No. 1. Seventeenth Annual Meeting. Part I. Presidential Address : Present posi- 
tion of the doctrine of free trade, F. W. Taussig ; The theory of money ; 
Papers by J. Laurence Laughlin, David Kinley, A. Piatt Andrew. Dis- 
cussion. Open Shop or Closed Shop? Papers by John R. Commons, J<riim 
Graham Brooks, John Hibbard, Thomas Kidd. Discussion. Pp. 226. 
Price, $1.00. 
No. 2. Seventeenth Annual Meeting. Part II. Governmental Interference with 
industrial combination, E. B. Whitney; Regulation of railway rates, M. 
A. Knapp ; Taxation of railways, H. C. Adams and W. A. Baldwin ; Pref- 
erential tariffs and reciprocity, A. Short, G. F. Foster, and A. W. Flux; 
Indosure Movement, E. F. Gray ; Economic history of the United States, 
a D. Wright Pp. 27. Price, $1.00. 
No. 3. The History and Theory of Shipping Suheidies. By Royal Meeker. Pp. 

280. Price, $1.00. 
No. 4. History of Labor Legislation in New York. By F. R. Fairchild. Pp. 21& 
Price, $1.00. 

VOLUME Vil, 1906. , 

No. 1. Eighteenth Annual Meeting: Papers and Discussions on Theory of Distri- 
bution ; Government Regulation of Railway Rates (2) ; Municipal Owner- 
ship (2) ; Labor Disputes (2) ; The Economic Future of the Negro (2). 
Pp. 326. Price, $1.00. 
No. 2. Railroad Rate Control. By H. S. Smalley. Pp. 145. Price, $1.00. 
No. 3. On Collective Phenomena and the Sdentiflc Value of Statistical Data. By 

Dr. Gryzanovski. Pp. 47. Price, 75 cents. 
No. 4. The Taxation of Gross Receipts of Railways in Wisconsin. By Guy Edward 
Snider. Pp. 13a Price, $1.00. 

VOLOIAE Vill, 1907. 
No. 1. Eighteenth Annual Meeting. Presidential Address: The Modem Standard 
of Business H<»ior, J. W. Jenks; Wages as fixed by Arbitration, J. B. 
Clark and others ; Higher Commercial Education, J. F. Johnson and oth- 
ers; Money and Banking, M. L. Muhlman; Western Civilization and the 
Birth Rate, R A. Ross and others ; Government R^nilation of Insurance, 
M. H. Robinson and others ; the Protective Tariff and the Trusts ; the Ex- 
tent of ChUd Labor in the United States. Pp. 200. Price, $1.00. 
No. 2. Historical 8ket<di of the Finances and Financial Policy of Massachusetts. 
From 1780 to 1005. By Charles J. Bullock. Pp. 144. Price, $1.00. 
A^ldresB subscriptions, applications for membership, and inquiries to the Secre- 
tary of the American Economic Association, Princet<m, N. J. 
Address all orders, except subscriptions, to the publishers, 


66 Fifth Avenue, New York. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


The Oldest Iheological Quarter^ in America 

Prof. G. Frederick Wright, D.D., LL.D., Editor 

Rey. Fnnk H. Foster, D.D., Ph.D., Olivet, Michigan. 

Rer. James Lindsay, D.D., Kilmarnock, Scotland. 

Rey. D. W. Simon, D.D., Bradford, England. 

Rey. Hugh M. Scott, D.D., Chicago Theological Seminary, Chicago, 111. 

Rev. Charles F. Thwing, D.D., Pres. Western Reserve University, Cleveland, O. 

Rev. Newell Dwight Hillis, D.D., Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Rev. A. A. Berle, D.D., Salem, Mass. 

Rev. W. E. Barton, D.D., Chicago, 111. 

Rev. Henry A. Stimson, D.D., New York City. 

Rev. William Edwards Pirk, D.D., Oberlin, Ohio. 

9 As heretofore the Bibliotheca Sacra will aim to meet the wants of the more inteDH 
gent public, both lay and clerical of aD denominations, in the publication of thorough 
discussions of all topics of permanent interest touching the Christian religion. Promi- 
nence will continue to be given to Biblical Criticism in its various departments ; Theology 
in its doctrinal, historical and practical aspects; and the Relation of Hulosophy, 
Science, and Oriental Discoveries to the Bible. 

9 In addition to the continued interest of the able corps of Associate Editors, special 
advantages may be expected to result the coming year from the fact that Dr. Simon is 
to take up his permanent residence in Germany, and hence will be able to furnish fresh 
infonnation from the center of inteDectual movements. 

Q On account of the freedom of the Elditor from the routine duties of his professorship, 
he will be able to give increased attention to the mterests of the Bibliotheca Sacra, and 
adapt it still more perfectly to the deepest needs of the time. The Qyarterly will con- 
tinue its elaborate and conservative discussion of the great sociological qu^ons that are 
agitating the century, but wiD, as heretofore, be devoted mainly to discussions by com- 
petent authorities of the profound theological and critical problems which are agitating 
the entire Qiristian public. While remaining loyal to the historic faith of Christendom, 
it will aim to welcome and aid all real progress in every department of human activity. 
On account of its long standing, and its undenominational character, the Bibliodieca 
Sacra probably has a wider circulation than any other American publication. Throu^^ 
it the ablest writers can at once reach every center of thought in the world. While not 
aiming at ephemeral pK>pularity, in a marked degree it accomplishes the purpose of in- 
fluencing die thought that in the end moves the world. Whatever periodicals of a more 
popular character are taken by pastors, theological students, and the more intdligen^ 
laymen, such thorough discussions as appear in the Bibliodieca Sacra are indispensable 
to a complete mastery of the great themes that are constandy coming to the surface 
in modem thought Address, 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 






The inquiry after the origin of things has always claimed 
in large measures the attention of serious and thoughtful 
minds. This proves the philosophical disposition of man. It 
will not do that we can describe and determine a phenomenon : 
we also want to know how it became what it is. We desire 
not only to know, the river in its course and to picture the 
beautiful pasture-lands and valleys through which it flows^ 
but we desire also to know its origin, the very place from 
which it comes. No atomistic view of history will pacify us, 
nor the simple description of persons and conditions alongside 
of and after one another, which is the history merely of most 
patent facts. We demand an organic, historic view. We 
want to understand the life of the nations, — ^the private, hid- 
den, and social life. We want to interpret that life, among 
other things, from the life, the thought, and the labors of pre- 
ceding generations. Our civilization must be interpreted from 
the factors which now make their influence felt, and also from 

'Translated from the Dutch by the Reverend John Hendrik dfr 
Vrles, D.D., Sayhrook, Ck>nn. 
Vol LXV. No. 267. 1 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

2 Religions and the New Testament. [Jan. 

those of bygone ages. And, applied to religion, this means 
that, more than ever, the theologian directs his attention to 
the private, spiritual life of the people, which we call piety. 

Does not theology root in the life of the people, and is it 
not the reflection of what there takes place? The historic 
view of the theologian has involuntarily come under the in- 
fluence of the general historic view, and is daily under its 

The two departments in which it is my honor to serve this 
University — New Testament Exegesis and Patristic Literature 
— ^might be classed as a separate rubric in the encyclopedia 
of Christian Theology, viz., under the so-called Literary 
Theology, but they sustain a sympathetic relation to His- 
toric Theology. An exegete who understands his task 
does not rest content w,ith questions of grammar and textual 
criticism, but strives to have an historical understanding of 
what he has read, and to grasp its historical background and 
temper. Thus life and animation are imparted to the material 
he handles. We who are exegetes and critics have also come 
under the influence of the general trend of our times and are 
bound to reckon with it. He who discerns the signs of the 
times knows that the spirit of the times is not favorably dis- 
posed to pure exegesis and critical studies. Since New Testa- 
ment exegetes and critics have frequently seemed blind 
against the fact that, however interesting, as studies, textual 
criticism, exegesis, and introduction are, they never can be 
an end in themselves, but merely serve as preparatory steps 
to the higher aim, viz., the history of primitive Christianity, — 
which enables us to understand the life and thought of primi- 
tive Christendom, of the leaders and of the peoples, of 
apostles and of prophets, and also of the masses of the people 
that know not the law, — ^the reaction has not remained want- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the Neu> Testament. 8 

ing. And yet, however much these studies may suffer neglect 
at many hands, their defense lies not in my province at this 
time. This has been well done from this place on other 
occasions, and no one really questions any longer the necessity 
of such investigations. Rather let me direct your attention to 
an effort which is widely put forth in our times; to wit, to 
call in the aid of the history of religions to interpret the 
origin of representations, usages, and morals of the primitive 
Christians. For here we have to do with a new method of 
interpretation of the origin of many representations of original 
Christianity and with a new method of work in the studies 
of the New Testament. 

The whole civilized world has been moved by the well- 
known Babel-Bible conflict. Representations of the Old Testa- 
ment, narratives of the Creation and of the Flood, laws and 
customs, angelology and demonology, as well as eschatolog^cal 
representations, it is said, must needs be interpreted by the 
theology of the surrounding nations, especially Babylonian, 
Persian, or Egyptian. This thought is not entirely new to 
us. Years ago the definite results of this study were in evi- 
dence. Now, however, the attention is directed to it more 
than formerly and the public at large takes more notice of 
it. This same method of interpretation is now applied to the 
New Testament, in the interpretation of many narratives 
from the life of Jesus as well as of the Epistles and the 
Apocalypse of St. John. This is called in Germany the 
religionsgeschkktliche Metkode. I know of no adequate ex>* 
pression for this in our language, but would formulate my 
theme something like this : " The Aid which the Study of the 
History of Religions provides for the Study of the New 

When even Christian dogma must needs be interpreted not 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

4 Religions and the New Tesfantent. [Jan. 

merely by Old Testament representations, the individuality of 
eminent Christian thinkers, the influence of the. life of 
Christian communion, but also from less definite Israelitish or 
Christian thought, and particularly by the inworking of 
Hellenistic philosophy, how much easier is this "religions- 
geschichtliche Methode " applied to the New Testament nar- 
ratives! Numerous analogies can here be indicated from 
ordinary, profane literature. 

It is a known fact that many stories and folk lores which 
were current in Europe during the middle ages must be ex- 
plained by Indian influences. The Christian narrative of 
Barlaam and Josophat is of Indian origin. Consciously or 
unconsciously the East affected the West and the West 
adopted many things from the East, the influence of which 
is still felt in our own days. Thus this so-called " religions- 
geschichtliche Methode " is not entirely new to us who are 
students of the New Testament. Forsooth there is little new 
under the sun. In the first place, it has been applied already 
for some time to the Apocalypse of St. John; and I add at 
once, that it was done with benefit. But also, with reference 
to the whole New Testament, it was mentioned in the Ration- 
alistic period at the end of the eighteenth century, when it was 
in vogue to point out parallel narratives from antiquity, by 
which to show that Christian truth is intelligent, vernunft- 
massig, and to posit theology as the so-called liberal theology. 

Yea, I may go back still further. Justin Martyr, one of 
the earliest Christian apologetes, and soon others in his wake, 
in order to make Christian truth acceptable to pagans, pointed 
out the analogy, for instance, of Jesus* birth with that of 
heroes and sons of gods, and thereby actually put the narratives 
concerning this on the same line. When in other religions, 
such as for instance in the wide-spread cult of Mithras, these 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Testament. 5 

apologetes found customs and representations which reminded 
them of Christian baptism and the Lord's Supper, they ex- 
plained them by the influence of demons, who by analogous 
heathen representations sought to deceive good Christians, 
and turn them from the faith. This is indeed no scientific 
interpretation; but I name these incidents, in order to show 
that even in the early centuries of our era views of similar 
analogies or parallels were current. Truly this was not very 
meritorious. To heathen students these similarities of repre- 
sentations must have been apparent. This is known of 
Celsus, the great antagonist of early Christianity. 

For the sake of an intelligent and orderly treatment of 
our subject, let me direct your attention to a few fixed points 
about which there is no difference of opinion, or at least very 
little. Do not smile at these so-called " fixed points " in the 
face of the great difference of opinion which is current among 
theologians regarding earliest Christianity. I may at once set 
your minds at rest, and show that here we enter a domain 
which belongs to the so-called neutral zone. Here theologians 
of the right as well as of the left side may confidently meet 
one another, as in other domains, and be mutually helpful to 
each other. At the new Roman Catholic theological faculty 
at Strasburg, the first theological promotion took place upon 
the presentation of a theme which is borrowed from the 
circle of my present studies. Even they who, contrary to my 
view, apply a very severe theory of inspiration to the Bible, 
such as the ancient Jew applied to the Old Testament, and 
the followers of Mohammed to the Koran, even they can 
make use of the results of this study. That the form of 
divine revelation joins itself to existing forms is really self- 
evident. But the boundary line between the so-called profane 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

6 Religions and the New Testament. [Jan. 

and sacred sciences is not so sharply drawn as some would 
make it appear, so that on one side all is light and on the 
other all darkness. He who represents it in this fashion — ^and 
our age inclines to sharp antitheses — ^tums the question into 
a caricature. A good Reformed theologian believes in the 
existence of what in terms of dog^matics is called "common 
grace." It is likewise the rich idea of a representation of 
Christian antiquity, that when Christ descends into Sheol, ac- 
cording to the well-known doctrine of the descensus ad in- 
fernos, not merely the patriarchs, but also Plato and other 
noble philosophers, go forth to meet their Lord, and voice 
their feelings of gladness at his appearing. Truth, wherever 
found, is of God. Anima naturaliter Christiana. 

As belonging to the fixed points, I reckon with the follow- 
ing: The Gospel of St. John begins with the beautiful pro- 
logue, which is classic of content and sober of form : "In the 
beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and 
the Word was God. The same was in the beginning with 
God. All things were made by him, and without him was 
not anything made that was made. In him was life ; and the 
life was the light of men. And the light shineth in darkness ; 
and the darkness comprehendeth it not." Here we have the 
known doctrine of the Logos, developed in the prologue of the 
Fourth Gospel and which I take to be the subject of the entire 
Gospel. This thema is summarized in the well-known verse: 
" And the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us, and we 
beheld his glory, the glory as of the only-begotten of the 
Father, full of grace and truth." This Logos doctrine is 
derived from the Logos doctrine of Philo, the well-known 
Hellenist Although this philosopher was a Jew, his specula- 
tion is not immediately derived from the Old Testament, 
since, in its entirety, the Old Testament contains proverbs of 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Testament. 7 

the wisdom of life, Chokma literature, but no formulated 
philosophy. Here Philo built upon foundations that were 
laid by Plato. The \6yo^ vorjrucik of Philo is the IS^a ISe&a 
of the well-known Greek philosopher. The revelation of God 
is the Logos, the embodiment of the thoughts of God. God, in 
so far as he reveals himself, is called Logos. The Logos, 
however, in so far as he reveals God, is called God. Though 
I recognize the great difference in the Logos doctrine between 
Philo and John, a difference which is immediately connected 
with the different idea of God as held by each, — yet, that with 
the progress of about five hundred years of religious develop- 
ment the writer of the Fourth Gospel should have derived the 
idea of the Logos immediately from the Old Testament seems 
to me very improbable. In several points, such as in Its well- 
known antithesis between flesh and spirit, light and darkness, 
being from above and from beneath, the Fourth Gospel joins 
itself to Alexandrian Hellenism. In all honesty I do not see, 
not only what scientific, but also what religious difficulties 
can be raised to disprove the hypothesis, that, for the form 
of his Gospel, which by its entire structure seemed intended 
for cultured readers of high, spiritual standing, the evangelist 
attended the school of Philo. 

With Paul I trace a like influence of Hellenism in his 
psychology and in his view of flesh and spirit, as well as in 
his allegorical interpretation of the Old Testament, which 
both Jews and Christians had appropriated from the old 
Greeks, who tried to make the offensive narratives of Homer 
and Hesiod concerning the gods acceptable to the people. 

I find still another fixed point, where foreign influences have 
affected the writers of the New Testament, in the manner of 
expression which Paul has derived from the language of the 
mysteries. It is well known that not only the ancient Greeks, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

8 Religions and the New Testantient. [Jan, 

but also the founders of Mithraicism and many others, m their 
religpious instruction made a distinction between esoterici and 
exoterici, the initiated and the non-initiated. Alongside of flie 
knowledge which fell under the reach of the uninitiated, or 
the large multitude of people, there was also a knowledge for 
the more deeply trained, or initiated, who were admitted to the 
holy mysteries, and for which at times different degrees of 
knowledge were demanded. 

There was either a faint impression abroad, or it was clearly 
perceived, that the narratives of the gods and goddesses were 
no pure reality, but that for the most part they were originally 
m)rths of sun, moon, and stars, which men had represented as 
gods. Thirst after mystic contemplation came in as another 
factor, together with the desire after a more substantial and 
more accurate knowledge. Separated from the people, in the 
solemn stillness of the evening hour, man was prepared to 
meet the divinity in a blessed ecstacy of soul. Especially in 
the mysteries of the later rituals of Mithras, although even 
in earlier times, purifications, or lustrationes, took place. Peo- 
ple sat at a common table and took bread and wine, as in the 
Lord's Supper. Paul made no distinction among Christians 
between initiated and uninitiated, but he too spoke of mys- 
teries, which were hidden until the light of Divine revelation 
shone upon them. The counsel of God for the salvation of 
the heathen and the temporary rejection of Israel were to 
him a mystery even as the person of Christ himself. He also 
knew a wisdom for the full-grown, and not for babes, a 
wisdom not of this world. Not the distinction of intellectual 
development and civilization, but the difference in spiritual 
development and experience, sanctioned the mention of hidden 
things. For children there was milk, and strong meat for the 
full-grown. All the children could gradually become adults. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Testament. 9 

If, among the Greeks, a seal was spoken of, by which to in- 
dicate a sacred and solemn ceremony which betokened ad- 
mission to the fellowship with the divinity, Paul also speaks 
of baptism as of a seal, and of " a being sealed." In the early 
history of Christian literature the same ground was held 
when baptism was viewied not merely as a seal, but also as 
an enlightening. 

But the eschatological representations form the most fixed 
domain, where foreign influences upon Christian thoughts are 
traceable. It is characteristic that many religions — such as 
those of the Babylonians, Persians, Egyptians, Jews, and 
Christians — ^in their representations of the beginning and end 
of things have uttered similar or related thoughts, and have 
appropriated many things one from the other. Who does not 
rememl)er the cosmogonies of the ancient peoples, the flood 
records of Israel and Babylonia? 

But to return to my subject, who is not reminded of the 
apocalyptist ? The apocalyptist labors to unveil the mysteries 
of the future by the higher light, which the seer, who speaks 
in ecstasy or exaltation of spirit, professes to see. His 
spiritual eye is opened, so that he sees what another does not 
see. He hears what others do not hear. His voice is one of 
warning, but to all that of a comforter. In times of oppression 
and shame, of persecution and scorn, the apocalyptist is bom, 
and the eye is fixed upon the glorious future which is at hand, 
when light shall overcome darkness, right triumph over 
wrong, and God shall wipe away all tears from the eyes. The 
Paradise condition is reborn and the golden age begins. Fre- 
quently the apocalyptist appears in the person of a man from 
the hoary past who is introduced as speaking. He views 
history in the light of his times, gives retrospective prophecy, 
to which he adds corrections appropriate to his age. It is 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

10 Religions and the New Testament. [Jan. 

characteristic that the apocalyptist is more writer than seer, 
and that he works with old data and old material. Apocalyp- 
tists are not creators of new forms, but in old forms they ex- 
press new thoughts. If the apocalyptist works with old data 
it is self-evident that he is not too choice in the selection of 
his material, and employs sacred as well as profane repre- 
sentations as long as they further his purpose and provide 
food for his imagery. 

According tp the Apocalypse of St. John the seer is on the 
Island of Patmos, to receive the Word of God and the testi- 
mony of Jesus. To the seven churches in Asia Minor he 
brings the greetings of peace from him who is and was and is 
to come, i. e. from the eternal God, who remains forever equal 
unto himself, and from the seven spirits before his throne. In 
holy ecstasy of mind he beholds the Messiah in a visionary 
state, with an image borrowjed from Daniel, that of a Son of 
man, who presents himself as high priest and king, and accepts 
attributes which belong to God. He sees him walking among 
the seven golden candlesticks, holding seven stars in his right 
hand (Rev. i. 16). This latter circumstance, however, does 
not prevent the Son of man from laying his hand a little later 
upon John, and saying for his encouragement : " Fear not, I 
am the first and the last." In another vision John is admitted 
to the holy of holies, and he sees the throne of God, covered 
with glory and majesty, symbolically expressed. Lightnings 
and thunderings proceeded out of it. Afterwards follows the 
noteworthy and picturesque description: And there were 
seven lamps of fire burning before the throne, which are the 
seven spirits of God. 

In chapter v. 6 the apocalyptist speaks of the seven eyes of 
the Lamb, which are also said to be the seven spirits of God 
sent forth into all the earth. This representation, it seems to 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Testament. 11 

me, cannot be explained by the candlestick with the seven 
arms of Exodus xxv., nor from the candlestick seen in vision 
in Zachariah iv., where the prophet declares that the seven 
lamps are the eyes of the Lord, which run to and fro through 
the whole earth. Here we must needs call in the help of the 
star-gods of the heathen, such as those of the Babylonians 
and the Mithras worshipers. The Pleiads, the sun, moon, 
and five known plants received special homage. With Israel 
these gods of light became angels, high guardian angels, 
representatives of God. Thus it came to pass more especially 
with the Jews that the gods who, according to heathen faith, 
held sway over nations, rivers, lands, etc., were translated 
into guardian angels of nations, rivers, and lands. Thus we 
can say that the stars were taken to be the eyes of the divinity, 
and in public worship were represented by torches. Other- 
wise these symbolical representations remain inexplicable to 
us. That after all they cannot be fully understood, even as 
many other representations of the apocalyptist, needs no 
demonstration. One goes too far* when the seven stars of 
Revelation i. 16 are taken as those of the small bear in view 
of a reference from a Mithras liturgy, according to which 
Mithras grasps with his right hand the golden shoulder of an 
ox, i. e. ij &pKTO^ 17 Kivovaa teal hmurrpihovaa top ovpavdv.^ 

I will not mention all the analogies which exist between the 
Apocalypse and Babylonian mythological representations. 
With a single word allow me, however, to fix your attention 
upon Revelation xii., where in a most unique way the birth 
of the Messiah is described. It is represented there as a 
something that must take place, and hence in this form can- 

»See H. Gunkel, Zum religionsgeschicbtlichen Verstandnis des 
Neuen TeetaMents, 1903, p. 40. 

• See A. Dleterlch, Elne Mithrasliturgle, p. 14. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

12 Religions and the New Testament. [Jan. 

not be the work of a Christian, but must be the work of a Jew 
which was taken up by a Christian. The seer observes a 
woman, clothed with the sun, the moon under her feet, and 
on her head a crown of twelve stars. She was travailing in 
birth, when another sign appeared in the heavens, a great red 
dragon, which waited to devour the child as soon as it was 
born. After it was bom the child was caught up to heaven, 
and a conflict ensues between Michael and his angels and the 
dragon, which ends in the defeat of the dragon. The origin 
of images must not be looked for wSth the Jews, but with the 
Babylonians. With the Jews the angels are taken to be men, 
but the heathen recognize also female divinities. From the 
insignia of the woman she is the queen of heaven, and invol- 
untarily we call to mind the Babylonian Damkina, the mother 
of Marduk, or, according to others, the Eg3rptian Hathor, the 
mother of Horus. That a heavenly being who governs sun 
and moon can also suffer pain is a representation which can 
be understood only in a m}i:hological way. The red dragon 
is the old king of the world sea, who has his abode in the 
abyss. Tiamat is his name, and he undertakes a conflict with 
the God of light. Thus the old myth of the victory of the 
young god of light over the evil powers of darkness became 
to the Christians a symbolic indication of Jesus' triumph over 
Satan and of the glorious ending of his life. Jesus became 
the God of light, the Sol Justitiae, and the woman the 
idealized Israel. I do not believe that the apocalyptist himself 
has known the origin of these images or symbols. Too much 
is wanting in the closer application of the same. But, be that 
as it may, we must in either case look for the origin thereof. 

And now in our comparative investigation we come to the 
more contested points. In the first place, there is the supposed 

, Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Testament. 13 

agreement between the Buddhistic and Christian narratives, by 
which the dependence of the latter upon the former is 
asserted. These two religions have frequently been coi^pared 
with each other, and — to name no others — a Schopenhauer did 
not hesitate to exalt Buddhism above Christianity. Both re- 
ligions have points of agreement. They are universalistic, 
ethical, and so-called religions of salvation. But in this 
matter of redemption the difference is g^eat. Buddhism 
proclaims salvation from suffering, i.e. from existence; 
Christianity brings salvation from sin. The subjea in hand 
docs not permit me to go further into this. The question is : 
In how far have influences of Buddhistic origin affected 
Christian narratives? It is self-evident that here the differ- 
ence of the religious viewpoint makes itself felt. He who 
accepts that in the life of Jesus as recorded in the Gospels 
there are many legends and little history will be more inclined 
to look for parallel narratives from which to interpret sacred 
history, than he who, impelled by an exalted veneration of 
the person of Christ, accepts these Gospels as history rather 
than as products of poetic fancy. When one starts out from 
the position that Christianity is the outcome of a g^eat syn- 
cretism, from which the Christ must be interpreted as a very 
common and natural product, one will sooner look for 
Buddhistic influences, than when Christianity is viewed as the 
work of the Christ — as I am convinced that it is — ^and full 
scope is allowed the person — I say not of the Founder of our 
religion — ^but of our Mediator and Lord, which the Christian 
church has done these nineteen centuries. 

I state this in advance that I may correctly place before you 
the question which is here at stake, and that I may candidly 
confess that entire objectivity, or I had better say impartiality, 
is here impossible. Though I gladly add that they, also, who 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

14 Religions and the Nem Testament. [Jan. 

stand upon my theological viewpoint take notice of the results 
of the study of the history of religions and reckon with it. 
Truth goes above everything else. No dog^matic proposition 
may take away from us the sharpness of our historical sight. 
The attempt has been made to indicate parallels in the nar- 
ratives of the births of Jesus and Buddha, and between the 
several Buddhistic narratives and that of Simeon in the temple, 
the twelve-year-old Jesus, Jesus' baptism, the temptation of 
the Lord, the call of the disciples, the Samaritan woman, the 
widow's mites, Peter's walk upon the sea, the parable of the 
lost son, the narrative of the man bom blind, the transfigura- 
tion on the mount, etc. When these narratives are compared, 
as a rule the text of the Gospels and the texts of the 
Buddhistic narratives are placed side by side, and it is inter- 
esting to note that some strikingly similar points, upon a 
closer investigation, appear to be quite different. For in- 
stance, in Luke ii. we are told of Simeon that " he came by the 
Spirit into the temple." I would say, he was led by the Spirit 
of God, so that it was a Divine providence that the way of the 
infant Jesus and that of the devout Simeon crossed one 
another.^ Of that wise Asita, however, who, according to the 

*Dr. G. A, Van den Bergh van Eysinga (Indische invloeden op oude 
chrlstelyke verhalen, 1901, bl. 29) interprets iw r^ irveiyunri (Luke 
il. 27) by : ** In a magical manner," witli a reference to 2 Kings ii. 16; 
Acts viil. 29; Rev. xvil. 3; Hermas Visio i. 1; il. 1. R. Pischel 
(Deutsche Literaturzeitung, 1903, no. 48, sp. 2938, 2939) is not averse 
to tlUs interpretation, and takes It for granted tliat iw rf Tveir/iort 
originally rests upon tlie Buddlilstic "Pfad des Windes." In con- 
nection witli Luke ii. 25, 26, he observes that the absence or want of 
dyiw (Luke 11. 27) is very striking. For myself I believe that no one 
would have thought of a magical coming of Simeon into the temple, 
had not the above-mentioned parallel narrative of Asita been men- 
tioned in connection with it Simeon is not far distant from the t^n- 
ple, and does not appear there suddenly ; but he is in Jerusalem, and 
betakes himself to the temple. Luke il. 25, 26, teaches that the Holy 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Testcment. 15 

Buddhistic narrative, todc his departure from the Lalita- 
wistara, in order that he might welcome the new-born Buddha, 
we read in the particular parallel passage, that by magical 
powers he took his way through the heavens, or, according to 
the still later narrative of the same subject in the "Bud- 
dhacarita," that he was carried thither by the wind. Such 
comparison of particulars, however, is of little service to our 
purpose. Here one can at most but speak of an impression 
alongside of, or over against, impressions of others which 
would prove but of little interest. To enable you to pass an 
independent judgment upon the matter, I will pursue a differ- 
ent course. 

I requested my friend Dr. Caland to select from the more 
frequently mentioned parallels one or two which, among the 
authorities upon the subject, are held to be conclusive, and 
which seem to be strikingly similar, and begged him to trans- 
late for me the text from the Sanscrit into the Dutch lan- 
guage. In consultation with me he chose, among others, the 
narrative of Simeon in the temple, to which I referred above, 
and compared therewith for me the visit of the wise Asita to 
the new-born Buddha as we find it recorded in the seventh 
chapter of the " Lalitawistara." To rehearse the story of 
Simeon in the temple in your hearing would almost be an 
insult. But let me point you to the Buddhistic narrative, 
which is mentioned in connection with it.* It reads as fol- 
lows : — 

Spirit was upon him, and tliat a divine communication was given him 
by the Holy Spirit That which immediately follows, viz. he came 
l^ the Spirit into the temple, simply means that, led by the Spirit of 
God, he appeared in the temple. The absence of a'-y/w detracts noth- 
ing from the significance of rwtOua, 
»Vg. Lalitawistara, chap. 7 (p. 101, ed. Lifmann). 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

16 Religions and the New Testament. [Jan. 

"At that time there lived in the neighborhood of tiie Hima- 
layas a seer whose name was Asita, who had been instructed in the 
five (sciences), with Naradatta his sister's son. Immediately after 
the birth of the Bodhisattwa he saw several wonders, curious signs 
and miracles. He saw sons of the gods go through the sky, and as 
they uttered the word ' Buddha ' and waved their flowing robes, with 
great Joy they moved hither and yon. The thought came to him : I 
will see what this means. Overlooking with his spiritual eyes the en- 
tire country of Dschamboedwipa, he saw in the beautiful city of Ka- 
pilawastu, at the house of King Ck>eddhodana, a new-lx)m lad, all 
aglow with the splendor of a hundred good attributes, reverenced by 
all beings, the body being decorated with the two and thirty marks of 
the great man. 

" Having seen this, he said to his disciple Naradatta : ' Know, my 
pupil, that in Dschamboedwipa a great jewel is originated. In the 
city Kapilawastu at the house of King Ck)eddhodana a lad is bom, all 
glittering with the glory of the one hundred good attributes, revered 
by all beings, and equipped with the thirty-two marks of the great 
man. If he continues to dwell in the city he shall bear rule over 
a fourfold army and be a world-governing, triumphant prince: vir- 
tuous, a king of righteousness, in the possession of the power and 
might of his subjects,^ and equipped with the seven jewels : the wheel, 
the oliphant, the horse, the jewel, the woman, the major domus, and 
the commandant In the possession of the seven jewels he will get 
a thousand heroic, vigorous, strong and army-destroying sons. He 
shall subject unto himself this great, ocean-bound earth without the 
means of punishment or use of arms, but simply by his own power, 
and by virtue of his upper-majesty he will establish a kingdom. When 
(on the other hand he goes) out from the city, and begins a roof- 
less life, he will become a Tathagata, an Arhant, entirely illumined, 
a guide, who receives no guidance from another, a lawgiver, a light 
of this world. Now we will go to see this for ourselves.' 

" Th«i the great seer Asita, with his sister's son Naradatta, went 
up like a flamingo, raising themselves above the air, and fled to the 
great city Kapilawastu, and, when arrived there, he suppressed his 
supernatural power, entered the city on foot, and betook himself to 
the house of King Coeddhodana. When this was reached he re- 
mained standing at the gate of the house of King Coeddhodana. 
There at the gate of King Ck>eddhodana the seer Asita saw several 
hundred thousands of people collected together. Now the seer Asita 
approached the keeper of the gate and thus addressed him : ' Go, my 
friend, and announce to King Ck>eddhodana that a seer is standing at 
his gate.' After the porter had said to the seer Asita, 'Gk>od,' he 
went to King Ck>eddhodana, and, with hands reverently folded, thus 

* The text here is not certain. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Testament. 17 

spake to King Ck>eddhodana : ' Know, Sire, that a Teveread, aged, and 
long-lived seer stands at the gate, and says, that he desires to see the 
king.' Now King Ck>eddhodana commanded that a seat he placed in 
readiness for the seer Asita, and spake to the porter : * Let the seer 
in.' Whereupon the porter left the royal palace and said to the seer, 
'Come In.' Then the seer Asita approached the place where King 
€k>eddlM>dana was, stood before him, and spake to the prince : ' Long 
live your Majesty ! Beach an old age and protect thy kingdom after 
the laws of right and duty.' 

"After King Coeddhodana had honored the seer Asita by offering 
him Arghya and water to wash his feet, and had given him a friendly 
welcome, he invited him to take a seat Seeing that he was comfort- 
ably seated, he reverently and kindly (?) addressed him as follows : 
' I do not remember that I have (ever) seen thee, O Seer ! Why then 
have you come and what is your desire?' At these words the seer 
Asita spoke to King Coeddhodana : * To thee a son is lK>m, O Prince ! 
And I have come to see him.' The King replied : ' The lad is asleep, 
O great seer. Walt a moment until he awakes.' The seer spoke: 
' Such great men, O King, do not as a rule sleep a long time. Such 
worthies are active.' Out of sympathy with the seer Asita Bodhis- 
attwa effected a cause to awake (the lad). Thereupon the king Ck>edd- 
hodana, after carefully taking the lad Sarwarthasiddha in both arms, 
handed him over to the seer Asita. When Asita saw the Bodhisattwa, 
he expressed great Joy: 'One of wonderful beauty indeed is here 
come into the world.' When with these words he had risen from his 
seat, and had folded his liands reverently, and cast himself at the feet 
of the Boddhisattwa, and, with turning the right side toward him 
(three times), had approached the place where he was, and had taken 
the Bodhisattwa on his lap, he was lost in deep thought 

" Seeing the two and thirty marks of the Bodhisattwa, Asita now 
surmised that the lad shall become either a mighty prince or a 
Buddha. Seehig hhn, he groaned, shed tears, and sighed deeply. When 
the king saw this, he asked with much concern, why the wise one 
wept This one answered : ' I do not weep on account of the lad, O 
Prince ! No evil shall come upon him, but I weep for myself.' 'And 
what for? ' I am old and aged, and am at the end of life, and this 
lad Sarwarthasiddha shall undoubtedly obtain perfect enlightenment, 
and afterward shall cause the highest wheel of right to revolve. [Here- 
upon follow prophecies concerning the Bodhisattwa.] Because, how- 
ever, it shall not be permitted us to see this Buddha Jewel, I weep 
and sigh with great sadness of heart' Then he foretells the king that 
the prince shall not abide in his house, because he bears upon him- 
self the thirty-two chief marks and the eighty secondary marks which 
mark him as belonging to a something higher. After he enumerated 
these signs, he concluded with these words : ' In the possession of 
VoL LXV. No. 267. 2 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

18 Religions and the New Testament. [Jan. 

these marks the lad will not dwell in a house ; without doubt he will 
depart and become a hermit' 

"When King Coeddhodana had heard from the seer Asita these 
prophecies concerning the lad, he was pleasantly affected, excited, 
filled with Joy, happy, and rejoiced. He rose from his seat, and, 
having cast himself at the feet of the Bodhisattwa, he spake these 
words: 'Blessed art thou of Indra and (all) the (other) gods, and 
by wise men art thou honored, thee the physician of the whole world. 
I also (praise and) honor, O Lord!' Then King Coeddhodana provided 
tlie seer Asita and his sister's son Naradatta food and clothing, and 
walked around them, turning to them his right side. After which the 
seer Asita departed by means of his magic power through the air and 
returned to his hermit hut" 

How sober, simple, and true is the narrative of Simeon, 
how artificial and legendary that of the Buddha! 

As regards the form and content, the difference between 
these two narratives is so great that he who attributes de- 
pendence to one upon the other has, as it seems to me, no 
conception of historical criticism. He who interprets the nar- 
rative of Simeon from that of Asita freely lays himself open to 
the charge of wilful refusal to take the narrative of the godly 
Simeon as history, and such wilfulness betokens a narrow 
viewpoint. And let no such dealings be accounted scientific. A 
motive such as this, viz., that an aged philosopher visits a 
new-bom child on whom the world has set great hopes and 
gives it his blessing, is so common and natural that we have 
no need to look for an interpretation of the same. Bear in 
mind that the " Lalitawistara," in the edition known to us, 
dates from the second century after Christ. I grant that 
several parts which appear therein are much older, which 
older records may include the visit of Asita to the Bod- 
hissattwa. The " Boeddhacarita," by Acwaghosha, however, 
which in the comparis<Mi is also referred to as a source, must 
have been written about two hundred years after Christ, and 
upon good authority the introductions to the Dsjataka's are 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Testament. 19 

considerably younger. They are even placed as late as the 
fifth century after Christ. For any comparison with the New 
Testament, therefore, this literature can safely be passed by. 
The hypothesis presented by Seydel concerning a Buddhistic 
gospel, which also belonged to the sources of the synoptists, 
especially of St. Luke, is so precarious that in my " History 
of the Books of the New Covenant " I have not given it the 
honor of a mention. It is only from the third century after 
Christ that we have historic data of relation between Christi- 
anity and Buddhism, and after a twenty years' study of early 
Christianity I have discovered no traces of an unconscious 
influence of Buddhistical data. 

A close relation, and even a mutual inworking, has also been 
asserted between the Mithras cult and the Christian religion, 
to w.hich in the next place I call your attention. F. Cumont, 
a Belgian scholar, has lately pcrinted out the significance of 
the Mithras cult. This religion had so wide a spread in the 
early centuries after Christ, that it threatened to become a 
mighty opponent of Christianity. It is only when Christi- 
anity became a state religion, that the Mithras cult gradually 
lost its significance. I repeat that it lost its significance 
gradually, since for long times even Christians remained 
faithful to the service of Mithras and worshiped the Sol 
invictus, as Mithras was called. On the twenty-fifth of De- 
cember the birth of Mithras was commemorated. In the 
course of the fourth century the commemoration of Christ's 
birth was changed from January 6 to December 25, probably 
with the intention of weakening thereby the Mithras cult, and 
of imparting a Christian tone to a pagan festival, such as has 
also been done with the festival of St. Nicholas.^ 

V In the Netherlands, St Nicholas is celebrated on the fifth of De- 
cember. — Tb.] 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

20 Religions and the New Testament. [Jan. 

Who was Mithras and where did his religion gain the larg- 
est following? With the Iranians he was originally the God 
of the heavenly light, who by the religious reformation of 
Zoroaster, even as the other Persian gods of nature in conse- 
quence of his (viz., Zoroaster's) dualism, was roSbed some- 
what of his majesty and glory. The people at large, however, 
remained devotedly attached to him. In the time of the 
Achaemenides, especially under Artaxerxes Mnemon (402-365 
B. c), the ancient god of light appears as the Lord of Hosts 
and obtains a general recognition. The Mithras religion 
coalesced with the Babylonian wbrship of the stars, and in 
this mixed form penetrated after the victory of Alexander 
the whole of Anterior Asia. Mithras appears by several 
names, such as Mithridates of Pontus, the enemy of the 
Romans. The Romans probably became acquainted with the 
Mithras cult in Cilicia, where, especially in Tarsus, Mithras 
was largely worshiped. 

Almost simultaneously with the Jewish religion Mithraicism 
made its entrance in Rome in the year 63 B.C. From there it 
spread itself, by means of the soldiers, the slaves imported 
from the East, and merchants, over the then known world, 
Greece excepted. At first it found acceptance with the low- 
est classes, but later also with the higher, and even among the 
highest. Nero— as we shall see further presently — allowed 
himself to be worshiped by the Armenian King Tiridates as 
an emanation of Mithras, and with the Roman emperors the 
conviction gained ground more and more that their alliance 
with the divinity, from which they derived the image of the 
crown with radiations, would add great lustre to the emperor- 
ship. Commodus (180-192 a.d.) even allowied himself to be 
inducted into the mysteries of Mithras. In the third and 
fourth centuries the Roman emperors paid religious honors to 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Testament. 21 

Mitly'as. This is even told of Constantine the Great, of whom 
coins have been preserved with the superscription Soli Deo 
Invicto or Soli invicto Comiti. Brief, however, was the 
glory period of Mithraicism under Julian the Apostate. There- 
after its pomp went down and came to naught. Enmity dis- 
covered itself with the Christians against the worshipers of 
Mithras, who were accused of being guilty of the persecution 
of the Christians under Diocletian. Manicheanism contains 
still traces of the ancient worship of Mithras. 

In the time of the Roman emperors the Mithras cult was a 
sort of pantheism, which exhibited traces of influence from 
the Babylonian doctrine of the planets, and Greek philosophy, 
especially that of Stoa. Originally Mithras was not the 
principal god in Mithraicism, but Zrwan Akarana, the father 
of Ormuzd, and Ahriman, the highest, eternal, unknowable 
being, whose name is unutterable. The Greeks beheld in him 
the personification of time and eternity and of the infinity of 
the world. He holds the keys by which he opens the gates of 
heaven, through which the sun passes out and in, and through 
which also souls descend to earth and return to heaven. He 
is the heavenly doorkeeper, as Peter is in the Church of Rome. 
Mithras is also the mediator between the unknowable, highly 
exalted God and the living human race upon the earth. He 
is the Logos of the Christians. He protects the truth, the 
good, everything that is pure, and is the enemy of all false- 
hood and deceit, of Ahriman and his hellish domain. On the 
bank of a river — ^as it appears from the representations in bas- 
relief — ^under the shadow of a sacred tree, the divine child was 
bom from a rock in a very wonderful way. Wherefore he is 
called The One Bom from a Rock, or Petrogenes. Shepherds 
saw the wonder, worshiped the child, and offered him the 
firstlings of their flocks and of their harvest. Mithras soon 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

20 Religions and the New Testament. [Jan. 

grew to be a healthy and an athletic lad. With a dexterous 
hand he cut the fruits of a fig-tree and clothed himself with its 
leaves. All this took place before there were any people in 
the earth, the shepherds of course excepted. And now. 
Mithras engaged in the g^eat conflict. He combats the sun 
god and conquers him, after which he enters into a covenant 
of friendship with the vanquished one, on whose head he 
places the crown with radiations, and from now on they 
mutually sustain one another. 

The most important combat of Mithras is with the bull, the 
first living creature which Ormuzd has created. Mithras cap- 
tures the animal, grasps it by the horns, and jumps upon his 
back. After the bull has escaped, Helios sends Mithras his 
raven with the demand that he shall kill the bull. However 
much it went against his wishes, Mithras offers the bull in the 
cave after he had recaptured it. A miracle took place. From 
the body of the dying animal sprang all sorts of herbs and 
plants. From his tail spring wheat and grains, from his blood 
a vine from which wine is prepared for the holy supper in the 
mysteries. In vain the evil spirit sends unclean animals, such 
as scorpions, gnats, and serpents, to poison the well of life. 
From the seed of the bull all useful animals appear. From 
his death originates life. 

Meanwhile the first human pair had been created, whom 
Mithras protects against the attacks of Ahriman. Ahriman 
brings a drought upon the earth, but Mithras shoots an arrow 
against a rock, from which at once proceeds a stream of water. 
Ahriman wants to depopulate the earth by a flood, but by a 
divine command man built an ark, in which he saves himself 
with his family and his cattle. Ahriman destroys the world 
by fire, so that all habitable places burn up, but the creatures 
that were created by Ormuzd escape with the help of Mithras 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Testament. 23 

also out of this danger. Mithras has now fulfilled his earthly 
calling. He has a last meal with Helios, at which bread and 
wine were used. Afterward with him he ascends to heaven 
in a chariot of the sun, in order henceforth to live with the 
other gods as an immortal, and from thence to protect the 

That there are parallel passages between the religion of 
Mithras and Christianity is luce clarius. Mithras reminds us 
of the significance of Christ as Mediator, in so far as he too 
is the Mediator between heaven and earth, God and man. With 
Mithras, also, the earthly career brings him difficulty and 
strife, but to humanity blessing and salvation. His life in- 
dicates a continuous struggle of the good against the evil. 
In the representation that Mithras was born from a stone, 
Firmicus Matemus (fourth century after Christ) sees an imi- 
tation of the representation that likens Christ to a corner- 
stone. Even as at the birth of Christ, so with Mithras' birth, 
shepherds appear, who kneel in adoration. The parallel is 
striking, but I take it to be accidental and see no dependence 
of Christendom upon the Mithras cult nor of the Mithras cult 
upon Christendom. The story of Matthew ii., that wise men 
came from the East, who, being star-gazers, had seen a star 
of peculiar lustre, which they connected with the birth of a 
man of significance, a divine light, has only recently been con- 
nected with the Mithras cult.* The Magfi are taken to have 
been adherents of Mithras, whose priests preferred to be called 
Magi, and the star which they saw is supposed to refer to the 
same religion. But the latter inference is arbitrary, since in 
the East, even as in the antiquity in general, astrology was a 
well-known phenomenon. One of the factors which must be 
counted within the historic-genetic interpretation of this nar- 

»A. Dieterlch, Zeitschrift fllr die neatest Wlss., 1902, pp. 1-14. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

24 Religions and the New Testament. [Jan. 

rative is the incident, described by Dio Cassius (bk. Ixiii. 
chaps. 1-7), of the journey of Tiridates, who, with a g^eat 
and glittering retinue, arrived in Rome 66 a.d. At Naples 
already he met Nero and worshiped him. But the acme of 
the festival is reached in Rome, when the people of all classes 
stood attired in white togas, decked with laurel leaves, sur- 
rounded by the soldiers most beautifully equipped with glitter- 
ing arms. Nero appeared in the market-place in shining robes, 
attended by the senate and his body-guard, and Tiridates, 
with his retinue, approached him to offer him divine honors. 
He called himself his servant, and openly declared that he 
came to Nero, his god, to worship him, even as Mithras 

(2o9 Si Bovk(k €t/it zeal ^\06v re wpS^ ae rov i/xiv 0Av irpoaicvvi/f' 
a-mv a€ d>9 Ka\ rhv MlOpav). 

Thus in Nero he beheld a reflection of Mithras. This nar- 
rative has made a deep impression upon the contemporaries. 
Pliny (H. N. xxx. 16) calls Tiridates a magier and those who 
accompanied him magi. From the fact that the Mag^ of Mat- 
thew ii. 2 also say : " We are come to worship him," it is in- 
ferred that in the narrative of Matthew ii. the thought is 
expressed that Mithras would kneel before Christ. This is taken 
as a prophecy of the later disappearance of the Mithras cult be- 
fore Christendom. This is indeed an original find, but histor- 
ically not correct. If the narrative of Matthew ii. had originated 
in the fourth century, when the approaching decline of the 
Mithras cult was clearly perceived, I might readily g^ve this 
view my consent, but in the latter decades of the first century, 
when, in all probability, the Gospel of Matthew was first 
known, no one had any idea of the passing away of Mithrai- 
cism. Then Mithras still shone in all his glory, and his cult 
obtained triumph upon triumph. There may be a similarity, 
but, on this account, I see no dependence in the idea that there 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Testament. 25 

is a conflict between good and evil spirits in the religion of 
Mithras as well as with Paul. Christ, as Paul teaches in 
Gc4ossians ii. 15, has by his death upon the cross spcMled 
principalities and powers, which'are angelic Hosts, and made a 
show of them openly, and triumphed over them. In Ephesians 
vi. 12 he writes: "For we wrestle not against flesh and 
blood, but against principalities, against powers, against the 
rulers of the darkness of this world, against spiritual wicked- 
ness in high places " against which we should arm ourselves 
with the whole armor of God. Mithraicism as well as Christi- 
anity views the life of believers as a conflict, and teaches that, 
if one would conquer in the fight, he must keep God's word 
and law. One must strive after sanctification, and perfect 
purity is the highest ideal, which is so strikingly stated in 
Matthew v. 48: "Be ye therefore perfect, even as your 
Father which is in heaven is perfect." This similarity, also, I 
do not interpret from any dependence of the one religion upon 
the other, but from the same need of the human soul, and 
from the conviction that the worshiper of Mithras as well as 
the Christian is created after the image of God. Repeated 
washings and purifications were the means by which to remove 
the stains of the soul. 

This universal human s)mibolism is not only found in the 
Mithras religion and with Christianity, but among all other 
nations. It is the foundation of our Christian baptism. He 
who would be perfect must refrain from given foods, and ap- 
ply himself to chastity. This asceticism was extant in the days 
of Paul and was assailed by him. It is noteworthy what merit 
the ethics of both religions attach to the moral of a deed, and 
how they warn against a sickly quietism and mysticism. It is 
noteworthy that the believer, according to Mithraicism, in the 
battle he has to fight can count upon the constant aid of 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

26 Religions a/nd the Neiv Testament. [Jan. 

Mithras. Never is his help called in in vain. He is the sure 
haven, the anchor of salvation, and comes to the help of the 
weak in their temptation. This involuntarily reminds us of 
what is written in the Epistle to the Hebrews (ii. 18) of Christ 
as the sympathizing High Priest : " For in that he himself 
hath suffered, being tempted, he is able to succor them that 
are tempted." As helper Mithras is ever active and on his 
guard, and from every conflict he returns a victor. There- 
fore in Persian he bears the epithet Ndbarzes, even as in 
Greek and Latin the titles avUrjTo^;, invictus, insuperabilis. 

I will not trace the views of the followers of Mithras con- 
cerning the future state of the pious and the wicked in all 
particulars, because here the points of contact with Christi- 
anity are few. But I will say that both religions believe in an 
eternal life, in an eternal weal and an eternal woe, in the im- 
mortality of the soul, and in the resurrection of the body. The 
adherent of Mithras imagines that heaven is divided into 
seven parts, each sphere of which is apportioned to a planet. 
Judaism of a later day also accepted seven heavens, and also 
St. Paul, as we learn from 2 Corinthians xii. 2, where he speaks 
of a man in Christ, which was himself, who in an ecstatic state 
was lifted up into the third heaven. But I will not speak at 
length in this connection of the heavenly journey of the soul, 
which in its flight through the seven heavens leaves desires 
and passions behind on every planet, in order, freed from all 
imperfections and sensual lusts, as an exalted being to reach 
in the eternal light the eighth heaven and to enjoy an end- 
less blessedness, because it has points of similarity elsewhere, 
but not in the New^ Testament. 

Alongside of the moral power which went out from 
Mithraicism and the Christian faith, I also find a parallel in the 
way in which each emphasizes the faith in the omnipresence of 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the Nev> Testament. 27 

God. In Mithraicism, faith in the omnipresence of the gods is 
taken pantheistically, in Christianity the omnipresence of God 
is purely monotheistic. The Scripture says: "In him we 
live, and move, and have our being" (Acts xvii. 28). The 
adherent of Mithras, on the other hand, declares that he be- 
held the influence and might of the gods in all the elements, — 
in fire, by means of which he prepares food; in water, by 
which he quenches his thirst and purifies himself; in the air 
which be inhales; and in the day in the light of which he 
walks. In both religions, man is constantly urged to pray and 
have fellowship with God. The Christian enters his inner 
room, closes the door, and prays to the Father, w<io seeth in 
secret. The worshiper of Mithras, if he be initiated, betakes 
himself to the sacred grotto, which is hidden in the loneliness 
of the forest. The stars that sparkle in the heavens, the wind 
that moves the leaves of the trees, the well or brook which 
murmurs in the dale, the very earth upon which the Mithras 
confessor places his foot, — ^all are divine in his eyes. They 
quicken in him a reverent fear for Him who is in everything. 

The fivarr)^^ or he who is to be introduced into the 
mysteries, went through seven g^des, whereby he obtained 
the names of Raven {corax), Hidden ( Kpv(f>io<i ^ , Soldier 
(miles), Lion (leo), Persian (Perses), Runner with the sun 
(*HX*oS/[)rf/409), and Father (pater). Originally these are in- 
dications that one identified himself with the divinity, which 
was represented in the form of animals. The point in question 
is, that the persons of the first three grades were called 
servants, were not yet admitted to the highest mysteries, and 
corresponded to the catechumen of the ancient Christian 
church. With the fourth grade one became a communicant. 
The members, who by divisions wtere in the care of a Frater, 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

28 Religions and the New Testament. [Jan. 

were called fratres (brothers) or consacranei. At the head of 
the patres stood a pater patratus. At every grade to which 
one was admitted, one had to take an oath, called sacror 
menttmu, when one pledged secrecy of the doctrine and 
obedience to certain obligations. Thus there were seven 
sacraments, just as in the later Church of Rome. When one 
became a miles, or soldier, he was handed a crown on the pcrint 
of a spear, which he pressed against his shoulder, with the 
promise that he would wear none other, since Mithras was his 
only crown (Tertullian, De Corona, 15). One had to subject 
himself to the several gruesome solemnities, chastisements, 
scourgings, fire- and water-ordeals, in order to attain unto a 
sort of stoical want of feeling or apathy. That which, how- 
ever, reminds us again of the primitive Christian church is 
that the neophytes were prescribed different washings, a sort 
of baptism, or lavacrum, which was designed to purify be- 
lievers from moral pollution. This baptism might be a sprink- 
ling with consecrated water or an actual bath, just as in the 
cult of Isis. 

Tertullian compares the confirmation of his fellow-believers 
to the ceremony whereby soldiers were given a sign in the 
forehead. This sign did not consist of an anointing, as with 
the Christian liturgy, but of a mark burnt in with a red-hot 
iron, similar to what- was given the recruits in the army be- 
fore they were admitted to take the oath. In the Mithras 
cult this is probably by way of imitation of the sign which 
Mithras gave to Helios when he entered into a covenant with 
hint At least it so appears from certain representations, 
where Mithras lays his hand upon the head of the god who 
is kneeling at his feet. 

Some have observed that the strongest similarity between 
Mithraidsm and Christianity consists in the consecrated meal 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the Neia TestcmenU 29 

or holy communion. The fw<rrrf^ was given bread and a cup 
filkd with wiater, over which the priest pronounced the sacred 
formula. Later on wine was added to the water. Even as, 
with Christians, only the baptized were admitted to the holy 
supper, so, with the initiated, only they who had reached the 
grade of teacher. This meal is portrayed for us in a note- 
worthy bas-relief.* The point of similarity with Christianity 
is also unique in this particular, that the holy suppler reminds 
us of the meal wlhich Mithras is supposed to have eaten with 
Helios before his ascension into heaven. Apart from the fact 
that it was a memorial meal, supernatural operations were 
expected from this mystical feast, more especially from the 
pleasures of the consecrated wine. This imparted physical 
and spiritual power, and fortified the individual in his combat 
with evil spirits. One even obtained thereby a blessed im- 
mortality, for in his letter to the Ephesians (xx. 2) Ignatius 
calls the bread of the holy supper the medicine of immortality 
and an antidote of death. Justin (Apol. i. 66) and Tertullian 
(De praesc. haer., 40) are greatly concerned on account of this 
similarity, which they take as a work of the devil, who in the 
Mithras cult caused imitations .of Christian customs to 
originate, that Christians might be deceived. 

I do not attach much significance to this similarity. I am 
willing to indicate the same, but the difference of feeling in 
mind and heart between the humble Christian who has cele- 
brated the Lord's Supper and the follower of Mithras who 
has been initiated into the mysteries must have been very 
great. When his imagination had been highly wrought 
upon, and in semi-darkness he had been brought into 
a mystical mood, with the initiated of Apulejus he exclaimed 
(Metam. xi. 23 fin.) : " I have passed through the gates of 
* See F. Cmnont, Die Mysterien des Mithras, 1903, Fig. 6, Taf el II. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

30 Religions and the Nezv Testament, [Jan. 

death, and have crossed the threshold of Proserpina, and after 
having^ passed through all the elements, I returned to the earth. 
At midnight I have seen the sun send out his brilliant rays. 
I approached the gods of the lower-world and of the upper 
and I have worshiped them face to face." The Christian, on 
the other hand, who has received the symbols of bread and 
wine, who has been strengthened in his faith, and has tasted 
the joys of the unio mystica, expresses himself very differ- 
ently. Toto coelo distant, I acknowledge the great similarity 
between the liturgy of the Mithras cult and that of the Roman 
Catholic Church as it developed itself in later times. The 
whole ceremjonial was directed in either temple by a priest, 
who bore the title of sacerdos or antistes. The priesthood 
formed a sort of hierarchy with a pontifex maxitnus at the 
head, who was permitted to marry only once. Tertullian also 
relates that the adherents of the Persian god had their 
virgines even as the Christian, as well as ascetes or continentes. 
This latter is the more noteworthy because it does not harmon- 
ize with the spirit of Zoroaster to attribute any merit to 

Aside from the fact that the priest was in duty bound to 
keep the fire upon the altar, he was also to pray to the sun 
three times a day, — in the morning, at noon, and at dusk, — 
even as it was prescribed in the *' Teachings of the Twelve 
Apostles," which is the oldest Christian liturgical writing or 
document of the first half of the second century, to pray the 
Our Father three times a day. Because both Mithras and 
Christ are each called the Mediator and the light of the 
world, it need not surprise us that the confusion became so 
g^eat that Eusebius of Alexandria ^ communicates the fact that 
among Christians there were worshipers of the sun. This 
^ Oratlo xepl aarpav6tuu9, Ed. Thilo, 1834, p. 15. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Testament. 31 

habit of comparing Christ with the sun was attacked by 
Augustine, who maintained that the sun himBelf was not 
Christ, but had been created by Christ.^ The coincidence of 
the birthdays of Mithras and Jesus on December 26 was 
interpreted at a later day, that Jesus was the true vnvictus, 
who had overcome death. As the adherents of Mithras indi- 
cated their joy over the birth of their god by the lighting of 
lights, so in Jerusalem at Epiphany, which was the original 
Christmas, a public religious service was held in the fourth 
century with lights.* I would take this as a matter of course, 
since to the human heart light is a symbol of gladness and of 
exultation. Both religions celebrate Sunday as the holy day 
of the wfeek. In this also I see no imitation, as has here and 
there been asserted. First, because the observance of this day 
was fixed with the Christians at a very early date. In the 
New Testament we trace the unmistakable signs of the same. 
Moreover, the origin of this celebration is very different. 
Since Mithras was the god of light, the day of the sun was 
consecrated to him. Christ, on the other hand, died on Friday 
and on Sunday came forth from the tomb. From this springs 
the Christian memorial on the first day of the week. 

These two religions can also be placed side by side in this 
particular, that in behalf of the propaganda they did not turn 
or devote theralselves to the cultured and more refined strata 
of society, but to the humble and lowlly. In their missionary 
labors they had such great success that the followers of 
Mithras as well as the Christians could adopt the word of 
TertuUian: "Hestemi sumus et vestra omnia implevimus." 
Judging from the number of monuments which have been left 
us by the Mithras cult, it may well be asked whether, in the 

* Tract zxxiy. 2. 

•VgL H. UBener, Religlonsgesch. Untersuchungen, 1889, I. 202. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

32 Religions and the New Testament. [Jan. 

days of the Seven, the followers of Mithras were not more 
numerous than the Christians. Considering the size of the 
caves or grottos in which they congregated, the most impor- 
tant of which, among those that have been preserved, is the 
Mithraum of St. Clement of Rome, the local congregations 
can have been no larger than about one hundred persons. 
They formed a sort of moral bodies, and had something which 
makes us think of a consistory (decuriones) , or curatores. 
They also had defensores, who pled the interests of the con- 
g^egations at court, and patroni, who aided the congregations, 
which were kept in existence by voluntary contributions only, 
with financial support. And when I recall that the members 
called each other brothers, you readily understand that the 
comparison between Christianity and the Mithras cult has also 
a reason of existence in this particular. 

Among the Parisian magic papyri, A. Dieterich has discov- 
ered a so-called Mithras liturgy, which he published in 1903 
(Eine Mithrasliturg^e, 1903). It represents itself as a revela- 
tion of Mithras, and must have been composed in a grotto. 
The initiated one purports to ascend through the seven sym- 
bolical gates of heaven, at each one of whicH he utters a 
prayer, until he arrives in heaven itself, where, in ecstatic 
vision, he beholds Deity. Noteworthy indeed in this con- 
nection is the mystical union of believers with the divinity, 
the being in it and remaining in the same, the umo mystica, 
and then the divine sonship. Between Mithras and Helios there 
is a relation of father and son, so that at one timie Helios is 
represented as the only-born son of Mithras, and again, in 
divine union with him, is named the great god Helios-Mithras. 
Even as Helios is the first initiated one whom Mithras adopts 
into his fellowship, so is Mithras the father of his believers 
and initiated ones, or neophytes. This finds its analogy with 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Testament. 33 

Christians in the relation of the Son to the Father and of the 
believers to God. In both religions we find the thought of 
regeneration, even as many symbolical forms occur with 
primitive peoples to which the same thought is fundamental. 
The old man dies and the new man takes his place. With the 
regeneration is allied the acquiring of a new name. The hdy 
day on which the new birth takes place is called the dies 
natalis of the neophytes. This regeneration joins itself to the 
dying and rising again of a given divinity. With many peo- 
ples of antiquity a god is found who dies and rises again, who 
is descended into the realm of the dead and has ascended into 
heaven, as a path-breaker and exam^lar of believers. Thus, 
for instance, at the spring festival of the Syrian god Attis, 
first of all his death was mournfully commemorated, and then 
on the third day his resurrection was joyfully proclaimed. In 
the mysteries of Mithras this idea of regeneration is sywr 
bolically indicated in the sacrifice of the steer. Those who 
were initiated called themselves "in aeternum renati." In 
the study of these things, however, we should be on our guard 
against the necessary exaggeration ! 

I read somewhere* that the central sigfnificance which the 
regeneration occupies in the New Testament with Paul and 
John is noteworthy in a more especial manner, because, with 
the Jews, yea with Senates in general, the image of death and 
regeneration is altogether wanting. I deem it possible to 
interpret the idea of regeneration of John iii. and of Paul from 
the Old Testament, without the aid ol the Mithras religion. 
When, in his conversation with Nicodemus on regeneration, 
our Lord Jesus expressed surprise, that he, who was a teacher 
in Israel, did not know these things, he surely meant that 
Nicodemus should have been well versed in the Old Testa- 

>W. Nestle, Protestantenblat vom November 28, 1003, p. 385. 
Vol. I^V. No. 267. 8 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

34 Religions and the New Testament. [Jan. 

ment teachings, and not in the liturg^s of Mithras or in the 
history of religions in general. That which was true and 
noble in the religion of Mithras was also found in primitive 
Christianity. But in saying so, I do not imply that Christi- 
anity has learned this from the teachings of Mithras. In the 
struggle with Christianity, Mithras has been worsted; and, 
according to the legend, after he had laid aside the Phrygian 
tiara, he became a pious warrior, was advanced to the rank of 
an officer, and later on became known by the name of St. 

In recent times, influences have also supposedly been traced 
in the New Testannent of the Egyptian so-called Hermetical 
literature, or that of Hermes, secret writings from the last 
century b.c. and the first century a.d., wliich contain all sorts 
of reflections, upon medical, astronomical, and theological 
questions, which Hermes communicates to those who have 
been more fully initiated, a sort of gnostic literature. The 
Hermes of the Greeks is here the Thot of the Egyptians. 
Even as the original Isis cult extended itself far beyond the 
boundaries of Egypt, the Egyptian philosophers or Greek 
priests adopted a definite Hellenistic philosophy. Thus there 
arose a pantheistic-mystic theology with proper cosmogonical 
representations. Among other things it appears, from the 
magic papyri that belong to it, that magical formulas were 
pronounced in the name of different gods, even in the nannes 
of Jahwe and Jesus. Thus it seems to me that the New Testa- 
ment has been used in the preparation of the Hermes litera- 

In either case so much at least is true that the Logos doc- 
trine of the Fourth Gospel bears traces of similarity with the 
reflections upon the Xdyo^s deov of Hermes. But there is 
also a diflference. In the Hermes literature the Xdyo^ deoD 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New^ Testament. 35 

is called Poimandres,^ the divine seed, which the jSovXif Oeov 
embodies in itself as a visible world, or by which the /SovXif Oeov 
becomes a visible world. That which in man hears and sees, 
is the X<Pyo9 deov. He is inseparably bound up with God, the 
ow. Their union is life, and the whole world is animated. 
Next to the\J709and the 1/01)9 comes as a third the fiovXij ffeov, 
which can be both ^vo-e? and y^vecK only because God is him- 
self the world. Conceptions such as Logos, life, light, full- 
ness (w\77/>«^«),the metaphors or figures of the good shepherd 
and the true vine occur in the named literature and with 
John. But I do not accept, such as is claimed for instance by 
Reitzenstein, the dependence of the New Testament. Does 
not Reitzenstein himself acknowledge, who by his two 
writings "Zwei relig^onsgeschichtlichen Fragen" (1901) 
and "Poimandres" (1904) proves himself a leading author- 
ity in this department, that probably these writings appeared 
in the first century after Christ? It seems to me that they 
should be placed later rather than earlier. 

Thus the dependence of the Newi Testament upon other 
writings seems more and more improbable. I will not enter 
upon the consideration of further particulars; such as, for 
instance, that influence of the Hermes writings has been 
traced in Jesus' conversation with Nicodemus and with the 
Samaritan woman and in the well-known misunderstanding in 
the Fourth Gospel.^ He who proves too much proves nothing. 
This last also applies to the assertion,* that, in his prologue 
on the incarnation of the Word, John should have been de- 
pendent upon the representations of the Hindoos regarding 

» See Ed. R. Reitzenstein, 1904, p. 45. 
' Poimandres, ed. Reitzenstein, pp. 246, 247. 

» J. Grill, UntenracUnngen ai)er die Entstehung des vlerten Evangel- 
iuma, 1902, p. 347. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

36 Religions and the New Testament. [Jan. 

the Awatares, that is the descent of the god Vishnoe. But 
I recognize the similarity in the point that the descent of 
Vishnoe also has a purely ethical and exalted purpose; to 
wit, to further the salvation of man by a redemption upon 
ethical ground. 

The studies, however, of W. Heitmiiller " Im Namen Jesu " 
(1903) and "Taufe und Abendmahl bei Paulus " (1903) 
have attracted the attention much more widely than the afore- 
named observations. In the first he endeavors to show that in 
the New Testament, as well as in later Qiristian literature, 
a magical use was made of the name Jesus in baptism and in 
prayer, as though a moral power went out from the name as 
such; and he supports this by numerous parallelisms from 
the history of religions. In the second, Heitmiiller limits his 
investigation, and, as the title clearly indicates, he confines 
himself to baptism and the Lord's Supper according to the 
Pauline conception of doctrine. Not Jesus, but Paul, must 
have fostered a magical understanding of baptism and holy 
communion. An unnatural emphasis is placed upon the 
thought, which, as it seems to me, is to be taken in a purely 
ethical sense, that in baptism we are brought into relation with 
the once dead and now risen Christ ; and again upon the well- 
known i.assage 1 Corinthians xv. 29, where Paul speaks of 
those who were baptized for the dead, as though such baptism 
as opus operatunt would benefit those who had died. Paul, 
however, does not adopt the superstition for himself, but places 
himself for the moment at the viewpoint of those who did. 
In view of a custom which is foreign to us and is not known 
beyond the apostolic age, he asks what this baptism signifies, 
if Christ be not raised. He attacks his opponents with their 
own weapons and appeals here to their superstition. Also, 
when in 1 Corinthians xi. 30, Paul refers to many cases of 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Testament. 37 

sickness and death in the church in connection with the abuse 
that was made of the love feasts, whereby one ate and drank 
judgment unto himself, he indulges in no magical representa- 
tion of the Lord's Supper. The apostle does not interpret 
these cases of sickness and death as results of meat and drink, 
but as a judgment of God upon the church on account of its 
sins. No, with Paul, we do not meet the thought, which we 
face so frequently in the history of religions, that by eating 
and drinking of bread and wine a union with divinity is 
originated, and that by the use of the flesh and blood of the 
sacrifice one becomes a partaker of divinity. With Paul, eat- 
ing and drinking is only a symbol. It is not eating and drink- 
ing in the literal sense of the word. Neither is there any 
mention of a sacrifice in the Lord's Supper. The partakers of 
the holy communion may be iv Xpurr^, But this is not the 
state of the fia/cxevovTe^ of Dionysos, who were Ip0€oi. I 
will not refer to all the parallels which Heitmiiller cites re- 
garding the Lord's Supper, but only these two. 

The first one he cites is this : A peculiar custom of human 
sacrifices is told of the Azteken, a comparatively highly civilized 
tribe of Mexicans. Prisoners of war w4io were chosen victims 
for the sacrifice were given the name of divinities, wore their 
garments, were provided for a time with all sorts of attributes, 
and were given honors which ordinarily were offered only to 
the divinity, until on the great day of the feast they were 
slaughtered and consumed. Second parallel: Nilus narrates 
that, with a tribe of Bedouins on the peninsula of Sinai, there 
was a custom of sacrificing in vog^e, which we have to view 
as the oldest form of animal sacrifices. By the light of the 
morning, accompanied by song, the tribe walked around a 
camel bound to an altar. With the last notes of the song the 
first wound was struck in the sacrificial animal. The blood 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

38 Religions and the New Testament [Jan. 

which streamed out from this was drunk, and the raw flesh, 
while still bloody, wholly eaten. Try what I may, I cannot 
understood how any one can place side by side such customs 
and the Lord's Supper. Have we here indeed, " die Vorstel- 
lungswelt des Herrenmahles in primitivster Form und deshalb 
in durchsichtigster gestalt "* ? Methinks that such' an asser- 
tion does not indicate fine religious feeling and tact. When 
the history of religions can bring no greater service to the- 
ology than what we find here, the study of it cannot be very 

The result I reach is this: The influence of strange re- 
ligions upon primitive Christianity is not very important. He 
who would interpret Christianity can do so by means of the 
Old Testament, the later Judaism, and Hellenistic philosophy. 
By doing this he walks the old and tried way. But, above all 
things else, let the full light be concentrated upon the person 
of Jesus Christ, who is the creator or rather the center of the 
religion that names itself after him. If history in general 
cannot be understood without the significance of those exalted 
personalities who gave the impulse to any great movement 
and who cannot be interpreted as mere products of their 
times, how much more does it apply to the sacred history of the 
origin of Christianity, in view of the person of Christ! To 
us he is the only-begotten Son of the Father, who has revealed 
the Father unto us. Give Christianity confidently a place by 
the side of other religions. Christianity contains whatever 
is noble and divine in them, and still a great deal more. 
Christianity recognizes the problem of sin, and proclaims the 
atonement of the sinner with God. Safely compare the 
Christ with Buddha or whomsoever you please. He raises 
» Zoo W. HeltrnttUer, Taufe und Abendmahl bel Paulus, 1903, p. 42. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Religions and the New Test€ment. 39 

himself above them all, even as, in the Jungffrauketen, the 
Jimgffrau in all her virginal glory rises high above her sur- 
roundings. The opav^OT seeing, of the Son of man, becomes a 
0€&>p€ivj a sight of admiration, and the Oeo^peiv ends in the 
wpocMvpfietif^ i. e. in worship. 5*0/ JustituE, illustra nos! 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

40 Brunetiire and the Novel of Real Life. [Jan. 




The group of modem French critics and essayists that be- 
gan with Sainte Beuve and Taine, with Renan and Littre, as 
co-laborers, and continued with Scherer, Darm<esteter, Henne- 
quin, Doumic, and Rod, lost not the least influential of its 
members in the death of Ferdinand Brunetiere. 

It was in 1875 that his critical essay on " Le Roman 
Naturaliste " appeared. The drama had then given place to 
the novel as the accepted form of depicting the habits and 
taste of the times, and realism had already become its note. 
It claimed to break utterly with the past, and was successful, 
and defiant of established conditions. Accepting the lead of 
Balzac, Flaubert and the Goncourts set the pattern which 
had already led to the puerilities of Malot, the g^ossness of 
Zola, and the pretentious prettiness of Daudet. After thirty 
years, when the French novel has reached the unspeakable 
coarseness of Huysmans, and the American novel represents 
a society largely made up of gamblers, drunkards, seducers 
and seduced, and men mad in the pursuit of money, on the 
ground that this presents " life as it is," we are once more 
turning to the drama. The cycle is so far complete; and 
there is occasion to review the history of the period, and to 
measure the influence of a critic who did much to arrest the 
course of a pernicious movement and to expose its pre- 

*The value of Bnineti6re*8 contribution both to literature and to 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Brunetiire and the Novel of Real Life. 41 

Bninetiere connected realism in literature with positivism in 
philosophy, and ventured to express the fear that they would 
work, in both art and philosophy, a common degjrading trans- 
formation. The futility of positivism, or materialism, in 
philosophy has been, completely demonstrated, and it already 
belongs to the things of the past. A review of Brunetiere's 
criticisms may help to hasten the departure to the same per- 
dition of the novel of " realism." From his essays, scattered 
over a considerabk period, and still untranslated, it is possible 
to gather and condense his opinions, and to give them sub- 
stantially in his own words. 

He pointed out what the new theories of Art as promul- 
gated by the painters had already produced in literature. If 
it were only lack of talent and poverty of resource, the 
sterility of the times, which it was sought to conceal under an 
appearance of thought, one might wait with patience for 
better days. It was far worse than that, — it was low intent 
and a deliberate and foolish purpose to set aside the eternal 
principles of all true art. Taking Zola as his illustration, he 
said it is an art that sacrifices form to material, design to 
color, sentiment to sensation, the ideal to the real ; which does 
not recoil either before indecency or pettiness, or indeed even 
before the brutish; which in fact talks to the mob, finding it 
easier to set art to serve the coarsest instincts of the rabble, 
than to try to raise their intelligence to the level of art. 

The attempt to justify art of this kind, by the pretense of 
uniting it with science, and with the industrial life, the life 
of the common people, is futile. Commerce, and industry, 
and science, in proper hands, have already proved rich 

morals In his early work is not affected by the subsequent narrow- 
ing of his mind and cramping of his powers by the change wrought in 
him during his service as editor of the Revue des Deux Mondes. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

42 Bfunetikre and the Novel of Real Life. [Jan. 

material, even for poetry, and need no new exploit!^. When 
Zola announced his purpose, " in resolving the double question 
of temperament and environment, to follow the mathematical 
thread which leads from one man to another," he said: 
" Heredity has its laws no kss than gjravitation." Brunetiere 
replied : " We know the law of gravitation, we can only guess 
at those of heredity," — ^a warning it would be well to repeat 
to the authw of " The Fighting Chance." Through all his- 
tory, art and science have been in eternal and living contra- 
diction; science subjecting the freedom of the human spirit 
to the yoke of nature's laws, and art, on the contrary, 
breaking away from the constraint of those laws and assuring 
to intelligence the full possession of itself. 

The realists justified themselves by an appeal to Balzac. 
Brunetiere pointed out that Balzac was the ancestor of the 
modem realists in his aim to cover all the diversities of 
modem life, in his accumulation of detail, his limitless de- 
scription, his technical display; but that he dealt with reality 
only to transform it. He used his details as the artist does his 
model, as a means, never as an end. He gfives to his char- 
acters a logical consistency, a development of passion, a 
course of conduct which, as traversed by the limitations of 
actual life, they would not have. His imitators have changed all 
that. Flaubert and Malot represent a realism content with the 
minute and puerile exactness of the smallest accidents of real- 
ity ; Flaubert and the G<Micourts, apparently proposing a study 
of a patholc^cal case, cast in the form of a novel a 
medical clinic. Others like Daudet, without the poetic imagina- 
tion and the inimitable accent of personal feeling of Dickens, 
practise a kind of sentimental realism by affecting an interest 
in the lot of the humble poor. Romance exists there, un- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Brunetiire and the Novel of Real Life. 43 

questionably, btit the realists are finding it difficult to deal with 
it nobly, and do not remember that there is a kind of low life 
so gross, or even so stupid, that it is not fit for the novelist 
to call attention to it, or for the reader to be amused by it. 

When he comes to Zola, Brunetiere finds it difficult to ex- 
press his disgust at the absorption of that writer in the odious 
in his choice of subject, in the ignoble and repulsive in his 
depicting of character, in the materialism and the brutality of 
his style. He protests that humanity is not as yet made up 
altogether of loose women, of idiots and of fools. The artist 
certainly has his rights, but one of these rights is as certainly 
not to mutilate nature. It is strange that he should refuse 
to open his eyes to the light of day, and should not compre- 
hend that this affectation of dealing with vulgar things is 
not a purpose less narrow, a convention less artificial, 
an aesthetic less false, than the pretensions to gentility of a day 
gone by. It is a diseased imagination that pretends to in- 
terest us in personages that are not only criminal and vicious, 
but frankly base, base as they are described, more base in the 
coarseitess of the appetites which govern them. Even when 
there is a chance for a true idyl and a charming story there 
is the same low proclivity. Coarse sensuality is mingled with 
the love story, and in the picture the design is lost in the flar- 
ing colors. There is, perhaps, feeling, but it is feeling without 
soul. Everywhere the emotions are those of the animal. The 
characters, the author says, are " true to life " as is claimed. 
So is a drunken mlan who sleeps and vomits. Is there any 
more so? Will he give us that? 

Reviewing some of the stories of Malot, it must be said at 
last, these are not real characters, they are caricatures. There 
exists no heart that has never leaped, no intelligence that has 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

44 Brunetibre and the Novel of Real Life. [Jan. 

never thought, no imagination that has never dreamed. As 
the human body, if it has not under our northern climate that 
purity of line which it had under the sky of Greece, but de- 
graded by want, deformed by toil, bowed by modern civiliza- 
tion under the yoke of material customs, still preserves 
something of the nobility and the dignity native to the 
human form; so we, come as we are to the extreme of 
democratic equality, absorbed in the niiserable exigencies of 
society life, incessantly driven in the pursuit of fortune and 
our personal ambitions, do not cease to have, within, some- 
thing of the man, and to be still capable, by the passionate 
bound of the heart or by the strength of the mind, to lift 
ourselves above the reality which oppresses us. 

In what, then, consists the pleasure which people of the 
grosser sort experience in looking at a vulgar melodrama, 
listening to the sound of coarse music, contemplating the 
assembling of vivid colors on the canvas, if it is not precisely 
in the momentary diversion they find from the weariness of 
existence and the hard labor of life? The cares of life are 
for the moment dismissed ; and, free from all restraiint, leaping 
all bounds, the intelligence is transported into a world which 
it fashions to its fancy. This protest against feeling and fact, 
this effort of the better side of our nature toward the ideal, — 
by what right does realism efface it frorrii the list of our 
instincts, if not the right which it claims because of its own 
inability to satisfy and express it? 

Without doubt it is necessary to go beyond reality, since the 
ideal is the essence of things, the raw material, so to speak, 
of works of art and of imagination. But if whoever affects 
to despise it in the novel or in poetry, then produces senti- 
mental twaddle, or symbolical abstractions, it is, for all that, 
the substance to which it is the function of art to give a form. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Brunetiire and the Novel of Real Life. 45 

It is not sufficient to feel ; one must see and one must think. 

The power to seize in concrete form that which the average 
man sees only in the abstract is indeed a rare faculty, and one 
which characterizes the artist ; and yet it is still a small matter. 
Nature cmly becomes beautiful, or only becomes moving, when 
seen through the illusion of our feelings, which we transfer 
to her, an illusion which assigns to her this power of feeling, 
of which the human heart is the unique and never exhausted 
source. The glory of the sunrise, the serenity of a lovely 
evening, have only the value of the emotions they stir in us, 
now raising the heart to joy, to niemory, to love, now as some 
implacable fate jeering at our despair. 

But that is not all. From the midst of things prosaic and 
low in the scale of existence it is possible to detach what they 
conceal of hidden beauty; it is necessary to eliminate, to 
select, to borrow from reality, its forms and ways of ex- 
pression which may serve to transfigure that reality itself, and 
compel it to give forth the interior conception of a supreme 
beauty. In truth we are related to reality through the less 
noble parts of ourself, this necessity of daily work which 
reduces us to the plane of machines, or the appetites which 
unite us to the animals ; and all that is superior in us conspires 
to release us from the lot in which the bondage of material 
things holds us. In this sense, we may say, that "the world 
of art is truer than that of nature, and of history," because 
there one can see disappear the shocking contradiction, which 
inexorably passes judgment upon the human state, the con- 
tradiction between the gjrandeur of the goal toward which our 
aspirations push us, and the ridiculous weakness of the means 
we use to attain it. 

If art busies itself solely with rendering the general truth 
of the type, it will produce, if you will, works of beauty, re- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

46 Bruneiibre and the Novel of Real Life. [Jan. 

fined, but cold and inaninUate, which will be "like water, 
pure, and with no flavor " ; as, for example, " The Martyrs " of 
Chateaubriand, " Eudore " and " Cymodocee." If it aims only 
to touch the heart, and to kindle the imagination, it will produce 
works of less value, from which, and the disturbance which 
they for the moment create, it will always be possible for the 
\ mind to deliver itself. Such are the novels of Richardson, 
" Clarissa Harlowe " or " Pamela " ; such is " La Nouvelle 
Heloise." If, finally, it judges that it has completed its task, 
when it has produced a servile copy of the real, one will ad- 
mire the patience of the observer and the skill of the artist's 
hand, but as for the work itself, it will only completely succeed 
in giving us the grotesque. 

Brunetiere returned to the subject in 1880 on the death of 
Flaubert, in his essay on " Le Naturalisme Frangais " ; again 
in 1881 in " Les Orig^ines du Roman Naturaliste " and " Le 
Naturalisme Anglais," and in 1882 in "Le Faux Natural- 

In 1856, when Flaubert brought out " Madame Bovary,'* 
R<Mnanticism was dead. The world no longer believed in 
"diplomatists^ taking counsel with courtesans, in rich mar- 
riages obtained through intrigue, in the surpassing genius of 
jail-birds, in the availability of the gaming-table under the 
hand of the strong " ; and sentiment had ceased to be supreme. 
Already authors had arisen who thought themselves justly 
sharers of the fame of Balzac. But the extravagances of 
Romanticism did not procure acceptance for the vulgarities 
oflfered in its stead. The world would none of a realism 
stripped of invention, of sentiment, even of passion and of 
reality. " What !" cried George Sand. " You would plane away 
all individuality? You say one should only paint in a single 
tone ; you prescribe a vocabulary, and one deps^rts from verity 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Brunetiere mid the Novel of Real Life. 47 

if he does not strip frcmi speech all the light and shade, all the 
color, that the genius and the passion of the humian race have 

Flaubert and his hock set the pattern for the new move- 
ment. Brunetiere recognizes the consummate literary skill, 
the abundance but strict subordination of descriptive detail, 
the unfailing and always just emphasis, the flow of description 
keeping pace with the flow of the narrative, like the change in 
the sky and in the landscape to one on a journey, the essential 
relaticMi of the characters to their setting, and the fullness of 
knowledge which makes " Madame Bovary " as complete and 
accurate a picture of the life of a French province in 1850 as 
** Middlemarch " is of an English county in 1870. They have 
had many imitators, but Flaubert and George Eliot alike ex- 
hausted their subject. 

Change the setting, and " Madame Bovary " will have to 
be changed. All the dullness, the commonplace, the vul- 
garity, the coarseness, is there. She is of it. And Flaubert 
is the first to make all this live, while keeping himself aloof 
from it and stamping it with his contempt. He preserved 
much that it would have been a pity to lose in the art of 
Romanticism, while he taught what is legitimate in Realism, 
namely, an intelligent understanding of the laws of repre- 
sentation and of life. The constant effort of the literature of 
the preceding twenty-five years to shape literary invention 
miore strictly in accord with the living touch of reality, 
Brunetiere declares, had its origin with him. 

Brutal as the tale is, and disagreeable, Brunetiere is willing 
to admit that it is not immoral, for this reason : admitting that 
in the deliberate purpose of the author, or by som^e fault of 
execution perhaps, the heroine awakens an interest of which 
she is wholly unworthy, it is nevertheless true that nowhere 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

48 Brunetiire and the Novel of Real Life, [Jan. 

will one find bitterer derision of all the extravagances of the 
Romanticists. Never was "the divine right of love," "the 
predestined union of two souls calling to one another across 
space," the " morality of passion," whether that which is of the 
earth earthy or that which is from above, — ^never before nor 
since, was all this, on the stage or in a novel, — attacked with 
an irony more contemptuous. As " Don Quixote " held up to 
ridicule the last exaggerations of the spirit of chivalry, so 
" Madame Bovary," in its day, ridiculed the last exaggera- 
tions of the Romantic delirium. 

Compact of passion, vibrating with the force of sensations 
the significance of which she did not understand, eager to 
know the meaning of the words "happiness," "passion," 
"intoxication," which appeared to her so beautiful in books, 
Emma Bovary is a character possible in all lands and at any 
time. In her ignorance and with her sensual nature, she 
knows nothing of the charm or the satisfying poetry of a 
life of acc^ted duties. She finds herself listening to "the 
lyric song of bad women," and in the coarseness of her nature 
she adds to their number. She is true to type, and from a 
moral standpoint odious in her personality. The skill with 
which Flaubert makes her a creation which will live in 
literature does not conceal the sharpness of the irony and the 
bitterness of the satire which he turns upon the life to which 
she belongs, with a violence which seems alfnost the ex- 
pression of a personal hatred. 

What Brunetiere finds lacking in Flaubert, and what con- 
stitutes the limitations of later novelists of his school, is the 
existence of another world, of those interior forces, intellectual 
and moral, which sustain the fight against the attack of the 
senses, and defeat the assaults of desire. They know nothing 
of that higher power in man, which can in a manner detach 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Brunetiire and the Novel of Real Life. 49 

itself from the body, can dominate it, and make it serve ends 
nobler than the gratification of the flesh. It is no wonder 
that, as the years passed, Raubert hated to be known as the 
author of " Madame Bovary." We can imagine a similar ex- 
perience awaiting not a few of the authors of modem realistic 
novels. '' 

When one is content to see only the outside of life, be is 
inevitably superficial in his judgments, and as inevitably is 
affected by the limitations of his material. Flaubert dealt 
with characters whom he despised; he acquired a certain de- 
spite for man ; he came to see little good an)nvhere ; and the 
bourgeois life which he held up to ridicule had its revenge 
when it inspired him to write " L'Education Sentimentale." 

The skill which seeks to justify itself in the sounding 
phrases " art for art's sake," " the love of literature for itself,'* 
" the religion of the ideal," and the like, is less the power to 
see " life as it is " than mere dexterity at the trade. The final 
judgment must be, the ideal rem(ains low, the cult is material, 
the literature falls into coarseness, and all because the form is 
made to serve the end rather than the means. As a conse- 
quence the day corates when artifice is more important than 
feeling, when inspiration is summoned rather than felt, when, 
in a word, what one has been taught, or what one has 
gathered, is more important than what one possesses as his 
giftj so-called, because it is the one thing which cannot be 
given and cannot be received. 

In his essay on " Les Origines du Roman Naturaliste," 
Brunetiere took in hand Zola, then at the height of his suc- 
cess. He had published a book of essays devoted to the study 
of Balzac, Flaubert, and Stendhal, as the creators of the novel 
of actual life, of which he himself was the latest exponent. 
Vol LXV. No. 267. 4 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

50 Brunetibre and the Novel of Real Life, [Jan. 

Brunetiere with difficulty restrains his disgust at the ignor- 
ance, the pettiness, the superficiality, and the conceit of the 
school. He points out, first of all, that, passing by the writers 
of historical romance, like Walter Scott, who had done the 
same thing, the whole great school of Romanticists, from 
Richardson and Rousseau to Chateaubriand, George Sand, 
and Merrime, had not only broken away from the bondage of 
the classical school, by making the novel revolve about the 
character and experiences of a single personage, but had set 
that personage in surrounding^ most real and carefully 
studied. The realistic novel actually began with " Qarissa 
Harlowe " and " La Nouvelle Heloise." Not a single novel- 
ist since their day but has claimed to restore to truth, nature, 
and reality their rights, which had been circumscribed by 
arbitrary conventions. Rousseau in "La Nouvelle Heloise" 
was the first modern writer to treat love seriously. Before 
him, when love, or more generally the relations of the sexes, 
was dealt with in literature, it was in one of two ways, — ^in 
the Italian manner, that is to say, gallant, as in the novels of 
Mile. De Scudary; or libertine, that is to say French, as, for 
instance, "Le Diable Boiteux." "Gil Bias" and "Manon 
Lescaut " are the only exceptions. In " La Nouvelle Helolse," 
for the first time Love becomes the hero of the story. There, 
also for the first time, the personages of the drama are placed 
in dependence upon what we have since learned to call their 
milieu; and there, also for the first time, we find a novelist giv- 
ing to the public the story of his own life, — so much at least as 
is found in the scenes in which he has lived, the personages he 
has known, and the experiences through which he has passed. 
The world of " La Nouvelle Heloise " is incontestably larger 
than that of some of its successors. The actors in it move 
more freely; they appear in relations more numerous, more 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Brunetiire and the Novel of Real Life. 51 

varied, more complex; they are more closely bound up in 
what goes on about them; but the new method is established. 

George Sand carried it still further. Before her, the char- 
acters of the story are enclosed in the circle of the family ; she 
set them in perpetual relation to the prejudices, that is to say 
to the social life, which surrounded them, and to the law, 
that is to say to the state. After her, other writers deal with 
the rich in contact with the poor, the employer with the em- 
ployee, the people with the peasant. Whether their stories 
are to-day interesting or not, whether their theses are false or 
not, — and they are sometimes all the more evil because elo- 
quently set forth, — they indicate the movement. 

When it comes to the men wbomf Zola exalts, they seem 
to have lost both the meaning and the method of the true 
romance. They are superficial, they are narrow in vision, 
they are conquered by trivialities of detail, they are fascinated 
by the brilliancy of their own style. They create scenes which 
they hang up as pictures, and they have lost the art of com- 

Balzac, of course, stands alone. His distinction is that he 
introduces into the novel the preoccupations of the material 
side of life. One must live ; to live, one ^ust eat ; to eat, one 
must have money; to get money, one must work; to have 
work, one must learn a trade, that is, a man must belong to 
a particular profession, or condition, or class. So he intro- 
duced these differences into the novel, each character deter- 
mined by those peculiar to his class, appearing in the con- 
versations, declaring themselves even in the nature of the 
intrigue. You have not only the jargon of the atelier, the bar- 
barisms of the workshop, the slang of the street, and the 
billingsgate of the market, but you have for the first time the 
question of money, and with it all that the pursuit and keeping 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

52 Brunetiire and the Novel of Real Life. [Jan. 

of money bring in its train. With all this Balzac did not 
create the novel of real life. He simply wrote " Balzac's 
novels." That surely, as Brunetiere says, is sufficient. 

As for the others, Stendhal has no following; the Gon- 
courts, laborious and self-conscious artisans of style, depart 
from nature just in proportion as they apply to the coarsest 
subjects the methods of an overwrought and unnatural art; 
and Zola, who fancies that he and his school are the supreme 
product of an evolution, is in fact but an incident in its 
course. The realistic novel has had its day; idealism is not 
dead; and the current degradation of the public taste, which 
does not need many " Nanas " to carry it to the bottom, will 
never be corrected by anything produced by that school. 

When Brunetiere comes to discuss English novels, he 
points out that realism in literature would, apart from the 
work of the g^eat English authors, never have been more than 
a theory; any more than realism in painting would have 
gone beyond theory but for the art of Holland. Zola and his 
friends are utterly ignorant of the profound psychology which 
pervades the g^eat English novels, as they are devoid of the 
real and intelligent sympathy with the humble life they despise, 
which characterizes, for example, Dickens and George Eliot. 
From " Tom Jones " and " Amelia " to " Adam Bede " and 
" The Mill on the Floss " you find a series of stories dis- 
tinguished by sympathetic intelligence, where in the French 
tales you have disdain and contempt. Flaubert knows how to 
construct life out of the commonplace and the vulgar. George 
Eliot did better; into the commonplace and the vulgar she 
wrought the noble. What the French realists do not under- 
stand is, that there is another measure for the worth of men 
than their education, or even their intelligence; and that the 
nature of the attraction which women exert is not that solely 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Brunetiire and the Novel of Real Life. 63 

over the senses, or even that of beauty alone. Herein lie, on 
the contrary, the dignity, the depth, the real beauty, of the 
English realism. It is to be said of the Richardsons, the 
Fieldings, the EHckenses, the George Eliots, that they love their 
characters because they so thoroughly understand them. If 
for one nioment we suspected irony in their delineations the 
charm would be gone. 

Balzac is extrawdinarily powerful, but he is g^oss. Despite 
the laborious and conscientious eflfort he makes to lay hold 
of them, delicate niceties escape him, as they do Flaubert, be- 
cause of the lack of that sympathy which is necessary for their 
understanding. Both have heard of them, but they do not 
know tbem^ They are skillful physiologists and imperfect 
psychologists ; exact observers and clumsy analyzers ; vigorous 
painters of palpable reality but mediocre explorers in the 
realm of that reality which lies beyond the sight. Personality 
only begins when you trace sensation within. It has been well 
said that sensations are only what the heart makes them. Ex- 
terior action is little, interior reaction is what counts. It is 
the diversity of these interior transformations that makes us 
the men we are. 

Here is the tritmiph of the English realists. The author of 
"Qarissa Harlowe " and of "Pamela" was the first to set 
in the frame of the novel of actual life all the wealth of 
psychologic and moral observation in the grand preachers of 
the seventeenth century, and, for instance, in the Bourdaloue 
of the eighteenth century, whom England knew better than his 
own country. This triumph of psychologic study reaches its 
most complete and brilliant example in the work of George 
Eliot. You are lifted entirely out of the realm of chance. You 
see not only that the consequences of a single transgression 
may lead to actual crime, but also, how they do it, by just 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

54 Brunetiire and the Novel of Real Life. [Jan. 

what conjunction of circumstances, and by what line of in- 
terior perversion. You see, also, the vast importance, for the 
good or evil of a human being, an act in itself insignificant 
may prove to possess. Our actions react upon us. We have 
the power to start their course; the rest follows of itself. 
Circumstances do not alter our nature, they only reveal it. 
Events create nothing in us, they show what we carry about 
within. Every life depends on the direction it gives itself, 
upon the restraint it places upon itself. 

Here is the main difference which, at that point in their de- 
velopment, characterizes English and French realism. The 
depth of its psychology, its metaphysical solidity, the breadth 
of its ethics, all in the English realism flow from> its ex- 
pression of sympathy. Three centuries of vigorous Prot- 
estant education have infused something of positive moral 
value into English realism. In France, on the other hand, 
the novel may serve for an instrument of propagandism, or 
a machine to batter old and uncomfortable institutions and 
customs, but it will probably never serve, as with Dickens, 
Thackeray, and George Eliot, as an instrument of exhortation, 
of study, of instruction. In France art is not thought of as 
existing for man, but man is conceived of as material pro- 
vided by nature for art. " Art for art's sake " is essentially 

The difference in the two schools, working with conditions 
which are fixed and with nmterials at their command, is illus- 
trated in the way in which the French would paint the 
portrait of a coquette like Hetty Sorrel, who from slip to 
slip was at last guilty of infanticide. They would not give 
to her, as George Eliot did, " a kind of beauty, like that of 
kittens, or of very young ducklings, with their soft down, 
uttering their pretty chatter, or of little children, beginning to 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Brunetiire and the Novel of Real Life. 55 

walk, or playing their first pranks/' They would describe a 
beauty heavy, vulgar, sensual, if they thought themselves 
realists; a beauty fatal, inevitable, breathing crime, if they 
were idealists, in either case a beauty which prepares the 
imagination for the crime which is to come. 

The final question, in an examination of realism in England 
compared with that of France, is, Is it possible in the novel to 
join the classic excellence of composition, of balance of parts, 
of distribution of masses, of beauty of arrangement, to that 
minuteness of detail which is necessary, if the ordinary and 
the commonplace is to be made to have life? The excellence 
of composition, of general form, setting apart that remarkaWe 
tale " Jane Eyre," is apparently lacking in contemporary Eng- 
lish realism; on the other hand, in the French realism in 
general, and excepting one or two instances, we miss that 
power of sympathy which g^ves life to the English novel, to 
the carpenters and the weavers of George Eliot, as has been 
pointed out. The traits seem to exclude each other. Will any 
author arise, able to unite them? This is the problem 
in aesthetics which remains to be solved by the novelist of the 

The outcome of it all is that the realism which in France 
thirty years ago held the field, and exerted such extensive 
and powerful influence in both this country and England, as 
well as in France, Brunetiere denounced as masquerading 
under a name which it did not deserve. The matter and the 
manner of the Goncourts, of Zola, and their imitators were 
not true to nature. On the one hand they are "stylists," 
using words for their own sake and apart from the idea which 
they serve to convey, sacrificing truth to brilliancy, to pic- 
turesque eflfort ; oa the other hand, superficial in thought, and 
shallow and mean in occupation. Nothing is more worn out. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

66 Brunetidre and the Novel of Real Life, [Jan. 

nothing more untrue to life, for example, than Goncourt's 
idea that inspiration for action is to be found in the libertinism 
of the senses and the debauchery of the spirit. 

The school had reached its limit of extravagance in "La 
Faustin" and " L'Assommoir." Brunetiere sought to give 
it a coup de grace. It ceased to produce further single, 
brilliant specimens, but it was already spread Iflce a disease, 
and there has followed in England, as in France, a crowd of 
more or less close imitators. They have gradually run their 
course. We are waiting now for the, Walter Scott or the 
George Eliot, the George Sand or the Balzac, of a new day. 
Meanwhile, the dramatists once more have the field, and that 
realism that survives in them is compact of an intense idealism 
that moves often in the realm of psychological mystery. We 
have Ibsen, and Sudermian, and Maeterlinck, and Hervieu, 
and Capus, and Mendes, and Stephen Phillips, and Bernard 
Shaw. The swing of the pendulum is slow and the evolution 
often lags ; a new Brunetiere dealing with these workers may 
arise to help us into a more permanent realm of light. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and Higher Criticism. 67 




'*ProTe all things; hold fast that which is good" (1 Thess. t. 21). 

This maxim of Religion is also fundamental in Science. 
It expresses briefly the essential spirit of what is recognized 
as the " scientific method " of investigation ; the method which, 
rightly employed, has in our age vastly advanced man's domin- 
ion and knowledge in every department of human welfare. 


Higher criticism of the Bible must be judged by the effects 
it has already produced, and the certain consequences that 
must follow, the realization of the claims which its votaries 
insist that it has conclusively accomplished. These are set 
forth in Dr. Orr's recent book,^ a work which lays the re- 
ligious world, all honest inquirers after truth, under profound 
obligation. He tells us it is the result of study of Higher 
Criticism in all its schools and phases for thirty years; and 
" the conclusions of the critics force themselves on every one's 
attention, and it is a matter no longer of choice, but necessity, 
to pay regard to their opinions " (p. xiv). 

The matters in contention between these destructive critics 
and Christian believers, as he states them, directly or indirect- 
ly, are : — 

1. The whole question of the value of the Bible as an 

^The Problem of the Old Testament, with Reference to Recent 
Criticism. By James Orr, D.D. "New York : Charles Sctlbner's Sons. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

68 Science and. Higher Criticism. [Jan. 

inspired and authoritative record of God's historical revelation 
to mankind. Has God spoken, and does the Bible convey to 
mankind his sure word for our guidance? Have the Scrip- 
tures of the Old Testament any longer the value for us they 
had for Christ and his disciples? (p. 6). 

Or, as these destructive critics contend, must we concede 
that, as the result of the critical discussions of the past 
century, historical foundations of the Old Testament revela- 
tion have been subverted ; that neither the Pentateuch nor any 
part of it was written until several hundred years subsequent 
to the death of Moses? Must miracle and the supernatural 
be eliminated from the Scriptures ? Must ntan's changing and 
erring thoughts about God henceforth take the place of God's 
words to man ? Are the erstwhile " lively oracles " of God 
simply the fragmentary remains of a literature to which no 
special quality of divineness attaches, and is the supposed 
history of salvation a piecing together of the myths, legends, 
and free inventions, of an ignorant age? Dr. Orr's review of 
the cult (in the 539 pages of his book) shows that the ex- 
tensive body of higher critics now in the ascendant, who 
arrogate to themselves the title "modern," answer the ques- 
tions last above with an unhesitating "Yes." The mass of 
believing Christians answer such challenge with an emphatic 
" No." 

2. He states the effects this destructive criticism has pro- 
duced upon many who perhaps, as he says, " have given too 
easy an assent to current theories simply because they are the 
theories of the hour," which he describes thus: — 

"There is no gainsaying the fact that, historically, it was in ra- 
tionalistic workshops mainly, that the critical theory was elaborated, 
and that, from this circumstance, a certain rationalistic impress was 
stamped upon it from the first . . . Most of all is it true of the type 
of theory which is at present the dominant one, — ^the theory which, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and Higher Criticism. 69 

to indicate the line of its origin, we might describe as the Vatke-Graf- 
Kuenen-Wellhausen one, — ^that it is rationalistic in its basis, and every 
fibre of its construction. Yet it is this theory which, chiefly through 
the brilliant advocacy of Wellhausen, has for the time won an all but 
nniversal recognition in critical circles on the Ck>ntlnent and in Eng- 
lish-speaking countries. Its argimients are adopted, its conclusions 
endorsed. Its watchwords repeated with almost monotonous fidelity 
of iteration by a majority of scholars of all classes, — in churches and 
out of churches. High Church, Broad Church and Low Church, acep- 
tical and believing" (p. 17). 

Here, then, we have the conditions and controversy to 
which higher criticism of the Bible has brought not only the 
religion of Israel, but Christianity itself also, at the present 
time. It is obvious that, if these claims of the " modern " or 
destructive critics of the Bible are established, and carried out 
to their logical and inevitable consequences, they must, as 
Dr. Orr says, " prove subversive of our Christian faith and of 
such belief in, and use of, the Bible as alone can meet the needs 
of the living Church " (p. xv). He adds, " If these theories 
are to be dealt with satisfactorily, it can only be by going at 
first hand to the sources, tapping the stream, as it were, at the 
fountain head" (p. xvi). 

One, and apparently the most, prolific cause of the de- 
structive theories of these critics is the alleged parallel pre- 
Pentateuchal narratives which the critics contend are the 
sources of, and which by being bodily combined have pro- 
duced, the first five books of the Bible. We propose in this 
article to apply the scientific method of research in examining 
these alleged sources of the Pentateuch, and, in that immediate 
connection, the sources of the destructive theories of these 

We do not find that such higher criticism of the Bible has 
ever been tested as to its verity by the ordeal of actual trial, 
as required by the maxim " Prove all thirds ; hold fast that 
which is good." We know the claims and contentions of 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

60 Science and Higher Criticism. [Jan. 

such critics have been met by learned and able arg^uments; 
but have they ever been subjected to the exacting demand and 
ordeal of the scientific method and Bible maxim which re- 
lentlessly require proof, and counsel holding nothing as 
" good " or verity on mere argument or debate ? Ascertaining 
and establishing truth or fact from evidence constitutes 
"proof." Securing proof from evidence is the distinctive 
function of the science of jurisprudence. The rules, tests, 
standards, and methods of jurisprudence, in dealing with 
evidence, are the axioms which the experience and sagacity 
of ages have established as the best means of discriminating 
truth from error.^ They may be described as the machinery 
of juridical science by which it attains and establishes results. 
Thereby the Science of Jurisprudence takes a disputed 
question out from the indeterminate sphere of argument or 
debate, and, carrying it forward, advances it to issue, test, and 
the ordeal of trial. The result of trial establishes, from evi- 
dence, verity as to the matter in contention. This is what is 
seen constantly in litigation in courts of justice, where the 
result is formally announced and enforced. 

But this function of juridical science is not limited to comr 
pulsory litigation in courts of justice. It is available for trying 
and deciding any and all contentions between disputants when 
truth or fact is to be ascertained and established through 
evidence. This may be illustrated by the use made of juridical 
science by Abraham Lincoln in his oration at Cooper Institute 
in 1860. In the heat of political strife over slavery, the 
South, appealing to Washington's warnings against local 
prejudice, charged the dominant political party of the North 
with sectionalism. Mr. Lincoln in public discourse employed 
this machinery of juridical science to test and try that charge. 

» A. P. Win, Evidence, p. 1. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and Higher Criticism. 61 

Identif3ring himself with that party at the North, and ad- 
dressing the South, Mr. Lincoln said : — 

" Yon say we are sectional. We deny it That makes an Issue ; 
and tlie burden of proof is on you. You produce your proof ; and what 
is It? Why, that our party has no existence in your section, gets no 
▼otes in your section. The fact is substantially true, but does it 
proTe the issue? If it does, then in case we should, without change 
of principle, begin to get Totes in your section, we should thereby 
cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion ; and yet are 
yon willing to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon find we 
have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get Totes in your section 
tills very year. You will then begin to discover, as the truth plainly 
is, tiiat your evidence does not touch the issue." 

Mr. Lincoln by the use of the machinery of juridical science 
brought forward what was before befogged in debate to issue, 
trial, and decision as conclusively and certainly to the public, 
those who were affected by it and who in fact constituted the 
tribunal, as though the judg^mfent had been announced by a 
court in session. 

The "issue" is of supreme importance in the machinery 
of jurisprudence. It consists of the exact point in dispute 
between contestants, stated as a proposition, affirmed by one 
party, denied by opponent.* The " issue " thus enables each 
contestant to produce his evidence, to make "proof" of his 
contention. On the evidence, or failure of evidence, juridical 
science determines the controversy. If a party to the " issue " 
cannot produce evidence to prove wihat he affirms, judicial 
science determines the affirmation untrue. The affirmation 
is set aside, held for naught, as was illustrated by Mr. 
Lincoln's use of the "issue" in the case just stated. By 
employing the method and machinery of juridical science, we 
shall (as at present advised) approach the examination of 
destructive higher criticism of the Bible from a new basis, by 
a method not heretofore used. It is a basis and means, how- 
'Gonld's Pleading, 279. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

62 Science and Higher Criticism. [Jan. 

ever, which the maxim and science expressly call for, that 
which, from evidence, evolves " proof," and thereby de- 
termines controversy. 

The simple questions we propose to examine are : Has the 
cult of destructive higher criticism of the Bible ever complied 
with, or can it now comply with, the requirement of the 
maxim ; viz., make " proof " of its alleged foundation and the 
claims which its advocates insist it has established on that 
alleged foundation? 

We propose to bring these questions to the ordeal of issue 
and trial. For such ordeal, in such case, juridical science 
requires the selection, for " the issue," of a question that under- 
lies the controversy — on which other and subordinate matters 
"hinge.^ This feature of higher criticisnl of the Bible, initiated 
by Astruc (a.d. 1753) and formulated by these critics, asserts 
that before the Pentateuch or any part of it was written, one 
called Elohist (or E) had composed a narrative of the 
matters in the Pentateuch, in which E habitually and con- 
stantly employed the divine name Elohim to designate God, 
and one called Jehovist (or J) had also composed a parallel 
narrative of the matters in the Pentateuch, in which J habitu- 
ally and constantly employed the divine name Jehovah to 
designate God ; that the alleged E and J narratives as sources 
w^re embodied from alternate sections of each narrative in pro- 
ducing the Pentateuch; that the alleged alternation of those 
divine nannes Elohim and Jehovah in the Pentateuch is the re- 
sult of so embodying alternate sections of those two alleged 
parallel narratives in it ; that, by sundering the Pentateuch on 
the criteria or test of the names Elohim and Jehovah, they now 
manufacture an E narrative and a J narrative, between which 
narratives so manufactured they claim there are discrepancies, 

^Greenleaf, Evidence, sec 3. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and Higher Criticism. 63 

contradictions, and variances, from studying which these 
critics evolve and deduce the destructive conclusions with 
which they attack the Bible. Such preexistence of the alleged 
E and J narratives, i.e. before the Pentateuch was written, 
seems to furnish a controlling point of dispute between higher 
critics and Christian believers for the " issue " here.^ 
Dr. Green says of this point of dispute : — 

** The alternation of the divine names Elohim and Jehovah is made 
by them [these critics] the key of their whole position. This is the 
8tartlng-i>olnt of the partition, and of the entire hypothesis of the sep- 
arate documents. All the other criteria are supplementary to this; 
they are worked out on this basis, and find in it whatever justification 
and proof of their validity they have. All hinges ultimately, there- 
fore, on the exact transmission of these fundamental and determin- 
ing words. ... If there is anything that must be absolutely fixed and 
resolutely adhered to, if the document hypothesis is to stand, it is the 
accuracy of these divine names which are the pillars on which the 
whole critical structure rests." * 

Divesting the dispute between the destructive higher 
critics and believing Christians of all other contentions and 
reducing controversy to the simplest single question that im- 
derlies the dispute, we may make the alleged existence of the 
said E and J narratives before the Pentateuch wias written 
the "issue" between those parties on which other disputed 
questions hinge. 


The " issue " then may be thus stated : Higher critics of 

^ Critics postulate additional entities as participating in composing 
narratives alleged to have been embodied in the Pentateuch, as sec- 
ond Elohist (B), priestly writer (P), Deuteronomist (D), etc. (see 
WUllam H. Green, Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch, p. 88; Orr, 
Prob. of the Old Test, pp. 202-206). But, as examining such addi- 
tional alleged sources of the Pentateuch would be only duplicating 
examination of the alleged E and J sources, brevity and simplicity 
lead us to limit the examination, as we do, to those two- (see Orr, 
op. cit., p. 65). 

•Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch, p. 90. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

64 Science and Higher Criticism. [Jan. 

the Bible allege that the said supposed E and J parallel narra- 
tives existed before the Pentateuch was written. This alle- 
gation we deny. That makes an issue. It is an issue of fact. 
Such issue is to be determined by evidence. The explicit 
question is, Is it a fact that the alleged E and J narratives 
existed before the Pentateuch was written? The affirmative 
and burden of proving that allegation of fact to be true by 
competent relevant evidence rests upon these higher critics. 
If they cannot prove those allegations true, by valid evidence, 
juridical science shows they fail and that that alleged fact, 
and all their claims built upon it, must be held false, — ^be set 
aside and held for naught, like the baseless fabric of any 
dream^ This is what juridical science accomplishes. This 
is its function. It provides the "issue," and so furnishes 
rational and just opportunity to each party to present his 
evidence to sustain his contention in the dispute. When the 
production of what is offered as evidence is concluded or the 
failure of evidence is disclosed, juridical science pronounces 
the result, which is judgment against the affirmant, if he 
cannot produce evidence to prove his allegations true. 

critics' proposed evidence examined. 

What evidence do the higher critics produce to prove that 
the alleged E and J narratives existed before the Pentateuch 
was written or existed? None. What these critics propose 
as evidence to prove their affirmations true is found in their 
abundant publications. They do not even pretend to produce 
any direct or positive evidence to maintain that allegation. 
What Dr. Orr says of the alleged entities E and J is true of 
the alleged narratives of E and J: "Neither history nor 
tradition knows anything of them." One will be surprised to 
find how Dr. Orr repeatedly convicts the destructive higher 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and Higher Criticism. 66 

critics of resorting to the petitio principii, to maintain their 
unfounded clainns. 

We are here dealing with what these critics aver are the 
sources of the Pentateuch. One of those critics, Westphal, is 
quoted by Dr. Orr as author of a work entitled " Sources du 
Pent/' in which that critic seems to have inventoried alleged 
certain achievements of this higher criticism of the Bible. 
After enumerating (1) four sources of the Pentateuch narra- 
tives, — ^by Elohist, second Elohist, Jehovist, and Deuteronom- 
ist, — he names (2) "the admission of the fact that each of 
these sources before its entrance into our Biblical books, ex- 
isted as an independent writing."* 

This claim of the critic that the verity of the alleged prc- 
existence of the alleged E and J narratives was proved by 
admission, betrays a lamentable ignorance of judicial science, 
of what evidence is, of what verity is. Verity of alleged facts 
is not established by admission. A party who makes an ad- 
mission as to an alleged fact may be forced to receive the 
consequences of the admission as though it were a verity. But 
such admission is absolutely powerless in proving the alleged 
fact an actuality. Galileo had asserted that the sun was 
central in our system and that the earth moved around it. 
Under the pressure of ecclesiastical tyranny, Galileo, with great 
solemnity, admitted as fact that the earth stood still — did not 
move — ^and that the sun revolved around the earth. But that 
admission did not make or prove it true. The admission was 
utteriy futile for proving that the earth stood still as an 
actuality. Neither did nor can any admission by any man or 
body of men, at any time or any place, that the alleged E and 
J narratives existed in fact before the Pentateuch was written, 
prove that in fact they so existed or that the allegation is true. 

» Prob. of the Old Tert., p. 208 ; Sources do Pent, vol. 11. p. xxtI. 
Vol. LXV. No. 257. 5 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

66 Science and Higher Criticism. [Jan. 

We do not overlook nor forget that these critics insist that 
they do produce matter as evidence to maintain the contention 
at issue on their part. And what is it? Stating it in the form 
of propositions that can be dealt with, tested, and tried *by 
juridical standards, it may be thus ^ desig^ted : — 

No. 1. That sundering out from the Pentateuch consecu- 
tively the sections or parts in which the divine name Elohim 
occurs will produce an intelligent, consistent, and accurate 
narrative of the matter of the Pentateuch without breaks or 
chasmjs, and a like parallel narrative of the matter of the 
Pentateuch will be produced by sundering out of the 
Pentateuch successively the sections or parts in which the 
divine name Jehovah occurs ; that the two narratives, so manu- 
factured by the critics, verily constitute the alleged E and J 

No. 2. That, as a result of No. 1, these critics insist they 
show that the Pentateuch must have been produced by simply 
embodying therein, in alternate sections, the alleged E and J 

No. 3. That the alternate occurrence of the divine names 
Elohim and Jehovah in the Pentateuch was caused, and is 
explained, by the embodiment therein of the alleged E and J 
narratives in the manner alleged in their propositions No. 1 
and No. 2. 

It must be remembered that we are trying issues of fact, 
which can be tried by evidence only. But these propositions 
No. 1, No. 2, and No. 3 are not evidence, nor is either of them 
evidence. They are mere theories, mere unproved hypotheses. 
Juridical science utterly rejects theories and unproved 
hypotheses as evidence. But these critics bring the matter of 

» Green, Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch, pp. 89, 109, 118. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and Higher Criticism. 67 

these three propositions forward, to maintain the issue on their 
part, and we will give the propositions juridical considera- 
tion. These three claims fall at once under the maxim 
"Prove all things; hold fast" only those which are made 
good by "proof." 

We deny these alleged propositions Nos. 1, 2, and 3. We 
deny that sundering out consecutively from the Pentateuch 
the sections in which the name Elohim occurs will produce a 
consistent, intelligent, accurate narrative of the matter of the 
Pentateuch, without breaks or chasms, and deny the like 
allegations as to so sundering out from the Pentateuch the 
sections in which the name Jehovah occurs. 

We assert that even if such alleged Elohist and Jehovist 
narratives could be thus manufactured by such partitioning of 
the Pentateuch, it would not prove that such two narratives 
so manufactured were the alleged E and J narratives, or that 
they were the source of the Pentateuch or of any book of the 

We further deny that the proposition or hypothesis No. 3 
of the critics can be allowed as evidence to explain the alleged 
phenomenal alternation of the divine names in the Pentateuch, 
for the reason, applicable here, that an h)rpothesis has no force 
in ascertaining fact or to explain or account for alleged 
phenomena, only as such hypothesis excludes every other ex- 
planation and every other hypothesis, save the one under con- 

Here, then, we have three new? and collateral issues raised 
by the contentions of the critics, when we are trying the one 
fundamental issue, i. e., the alleged pre-Pentateuchal existence 
of the alleged E and J narratives. Here, again, the affirmative 
and burden of proof are upon these critics. 
»Greenleaf, Evidence, sec. 11. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

68 Science and Higher Criticism. [Jan. 

No. 1 is to be tried by testing the hypothesis upon the 
Pentateuch to determine whether partitioning it by the 
criteria of the alternation of the divine names will work. Can 
it work? Is it workable? The test can be made by any one, 
remembering that, in our English translation, the word 
LoRD^ printed in small capitals, stands for the Hebrew word 
Jehovah, and the word God, with capital initial, stands for the 
Hebrew word Elohim. 

The scheme of hypothesis No. 1 contemplates applying the 
hypothesis to the whole Pentateuch ; but applying it in a few 
instances may enable us to determine whether the hypothesis 
will work or is workable. If, on actual trial, the hypothesis 
will not work in one instance, it explodes the hypothesis ; dis- 
proves its validity. We will test it by applying it to the record 
of the trial of the faith of Abraham (Gen. xxii.). Higher 
critics sunder out the first fourteen verses of the chapter to 
make part of their proposed Elohist narrative. Sundering 
the chapter differently does not relieve the difficulty produced.^ 

Reading Elohim in place of God, and Jehovah in place of 
Lord, the record is (Am. Rev.) : " Elohim did test Abraham," 
— required the sacrifice of his son on a mount " I [Elohim] 
will tell thee of." Abraham journeyed to the place " of which 
Elohim had told him." Isaac asked for the lamb. Abraham 
answered, " Elohim will provide the lamb." When they came 
to "the place Elohim had told him of," Abraham bound 
Isaac, and laid him upon the altar, and Abraham "took the 
knife to slay his son." At this crisis, " Jehovafi," by the voice 
of his angel and speaking in the first person, called, " Abra- 
ham ! Abraham !" and said, " Lay not thine hand upon the lad, 
neither do thou anything to him ; for now I [Jehovah] know 
thou fearest Elohim, seeing thou hast not withheld thy son, 
» Orr, Prob. of the Old Test, pp. 234, 235. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and Higher Criticism. 69 

thine only son, from me [Jehovah]." "Abraham called the 
namiB of the place Jehovah-jireh. ... In the mount of Jehovah 
it shall be seen." 

Here the title Elohim, including its pronouns, occurs six 
times; the title Jehovah, including its pronouns, occurs five 
times. The record of this transaction is one only and in- 
separable. Consider verse 12. Jehovah says, "For I 
[Jehovah] know thou fearest Elohim, seeing thou hast not 
withheld thy son, thine only son, from mte [Jehovah]." This 
records a single indivisible judgment of God. He announces 
that Abraham fears Elohim, because Abraham withheld not 
his son from Jehovah. The reasoning results in the judg- 
ment. The thing recorded is one judgment, inseparable, and 
both divine names are inextricably embodied in it in one verse 
describing the judgment. This troubles the destructive critics. 
The application of their hypothesis to the Genesis record does 
not work, cannot work, is flat failure. The critics cannot by 
any sophistry or philological ingenuity prevent the failure, 
which they concede, by the expedients to which they resort 
(to be presently noticed) to surmount the difficulty. One plain 
failure condemns a proposed hypothesis. But in unnumbered 
cases this hypothesis of the critics in attempting to partition 
the Pentateuch into parallel narratives by the criteria of the 
alternation of the divine names Elohim and Jehovah fails, — 
will not work, — is not workable.^ 

We will notice particularly one more instance, — ^the record 
of Jacob's vow. At Bethel, Jehovah, standing above the 
ladder, bestowed a great blessing on Jacob, addressing Jacob 
in a dream, speaking in the first person. Jacob, in words 
following with literalness the language Jehovah addressed to 

*See Green, Hifi^er Criticism of the Pentateuch, where he Illus- 
trates the faUures by Instance after instance, pp. 92-98; and Orr, 
Prob. of the Old Test, pp. 233-286. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

70 Science and Higher Criticism. [Jan. 

him in the dream, made that language the substance of the 
condition of his vow. Passing by much of the record of this 
incident upon which the hypothesis in question will not work, 
we note the result of attempting to apply the hypotheses on 
verses 20, 21, and'22 (Gen. xxviii.). 

Higher critics sunder these verses out of Genesis to be a 
part of their manufactured Elohist narrative. The verses 
read: "And Jacob vowed a vow, saying, If Elohim will be 
with me and will keep me in the way I go, and will give me 
bread to eat, and raiment to put on, so that I come again to my 
father's house in peace, then shall Jehovah be my Elohim; 
and this stone, which I have set for a pillar, shall be Elohim's 
house, and of all that thou [Jehovah] shall give me, I will 
give the tenth unto thee [Jehovah]." Here Elohim occurs 
three times, and Jehovah with its pronouns occurs three times. 

Here is recorded one sole, single, inseparable act — Jacob's 
vow. The divine names Elohim and Jehovah are inextricably 
embedded in the vow, each three times. Considered jurid- 
ically, the word " if " joins indissolubly the vow to the con- 
dition, and the condition to the vow. The condition feeds the 
vow, is the consideration that makes the vow obligatory. 
Strike out the consideration, the vowl is naught. Strike out 
the vow, and the consideration has no function. Neither the 
obligation of the vow, nor the condition it rests upon, is any- 
thing without the other. Neither vow nor condition has any 
function except as constituting the vow a unit. 

The critics* hypothesis applied here is clear, flat failure. 
The failure in this and other instances is conclusive. The 
critics' hypothesis as to the criteria of the alternation of the 
two names — the basis of their proposition No. 1 — is false by 
actual demonstration, by applying the hypothesis, and thereby 
demonstrating its positive failure. The hypothesis is not only 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and HigJier Criticism. 71 

unproved, and so condemned, but it is positively disproved by 
the ordeal of actual test. This is conclusive that the hypothesis 
(the critics' foundation of proposition No. 1) must be rejected 
and held for naught. Therefore all schemes, conclusions, 
theories, and claims built upon or dependent upon that false 
foundation must also perish with it. 


These critics, however, contend that \y expedients and de- 
vices they surmount or remedy all the failures of their 
hypothesis No. 1 to work. These expedients, schemes, and 
devices require more than casual consideration ; for it may well 
be questioned whether conservative writers and scholars have 
adequately apprehended the intrinsic and germinal vice and 
evil that inhere in the expedients and schemes proposed and 
employed by these critics in manufacturing from the Pentateuch 
these two alleged parallel narratives, variant often, as they 
manufacture them, in phrase, style, diction, and allusion, — 
variances caused by the manufacture itself. It is these alleged 
parallel narratives so manufactured that furnish opportunity 
for unbounded scope of imagination to critics for presuming 
and imputing motives and purposes to the supposed authors of 
such manufactured parallel narratives to fit anything, — ^any 
concepts or schemes the destructive critic may choose to 
evolve, from the product — ^the narratives they themselves $o 
manufacture. This evil will be disclosed more distinctively in 
a quotation we propose to make later from Dr. Green dealing 
directly with alleged parallel narratives, manufactured from 
an original single one, illustrating the ease with which false 
conclusions, contradictions, and discrepancies may be produced 
by the methods of the critics, and by manufactured narratives 
made by them. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

72 Science and Higher Criticism. [Jan. 

What are the expedients and devices brought forward by 
these critics to remedy the failures of their said hypothesis to 
work? Stated in propositions that may be dealt with by 
juridical tests, they are : — 

(a) These critics invent and allege the existence and acts 
of a personage they designate as Redactor (or R), who works 
upon matter already written, and prepares it for publication, 
putting it in literary form. 

(b) They invent all possible acts, neglects, errors, and mis- 
deeds of their alleged functionary, — ^the redactor, — by which 
every failure of their said h)rpotheses to work, or be workable, 
they claim to remedy or cure. 

To illustrate, we may note how the critics attempt to remedy 
the failure of their hypothesis to work on the record of Jacob's 
vow. Conceding the failure of their hypothesis to work here, 
they attempt to cure it by asserting and insisting that, before 
Genesis was written, the alleged E and J narratives actually 
existed — (a brazen begging of the very question we are try- 
ing). They resort to petitio principii again by insisting that 
there was nothing in the alleged E and J narratives that 
warranted inserting in Jacob's vow* the words "then shall 
Jehovah be my God," and that their alleged redactor wrong- 
fully wrote those words in Genesis. Thereupon these critics 
of the Bible alter the Bible record, as Dr. Green says, " arbi- 
trarily," by striking out (of Genesis) " then shall Jehovah 
be my God."^ Dr. Orr says that these words of Genesis " are 
forcibly excised " from the Bible by these critics.* 

In the case of Abraham above stated, the critics aver that 
they cure the failure by insisting (without any evidence what- 
ever to justify it) that the redactor wrote in Genesis one 

^ Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch, p. 95. 
* Problem of the Old Test, p. 234. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and Higher Criticism, 73 

divine name when he ought to have written the other. As 
Dr. On- states,* this functionary redactor is invoked by these 
critics to " interpolate," " to alter," to correct, what the critics 
claim were mistakes in the Bible record, and so they change 
the record to fit their hypotheses ad infinitum. 

These critics do not claim any principle or standard by 
which to test any alleged act of their invented redactor before- 
hand. When their hypothesis as to the alternation of the 
divine names fails to work, in any instance, these critics invent 
and insist upon any scheme, device, or expedient that seems to 
them adapted to cure or remedy the failure, and charge it to 
their functionary, the redactor, and so relieve their trouble, 
and make what is actual failure appear to be success. Dr. Orr 
aptly compares these expedients of constant resort to invention 
of acts, neglects, errors, of their invented functionary R to like 
resort to invented epicycles of the Ptolemaic astronomers, to 
sustain their false claim that the earth was central, and the 
sun moved around it. When any fact, or conclusion from 
facts, showed the Ptolemaic theory untrue, those astronomers,, 
to relieve their trouble, invented epicycles to explain and sur- 
mount the difficulty. 

Such inventions of epicycles were really inventions of sub- 
terfuges to make what in fact was false appear to be true. 
The comparison by Dr. Orr is most just, and assists us in 
understanding the character and quality of the violent and 
baseless expedients these critics resort to to attempt to remedy 
the unnumbered flat failures of their hypothesis to work when 
put to actual test. The record of matters we, as well as the 
critics, are dealing with, lies at the foundation of faith in the 
Christian religfion and of the Christian church. The element 
of ethics is inevitably involved in the matter under examina- 
» Prob. of the Old Test, pp. 221-226. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

74 Science and Higher Criticism. [Jan. 

tion; it cannot be eliminated nor ignored. We will try to 
illustrate the ethics of these expedients of the critics. 

When a dishonest accountant being required to produce a 
balance-sheet finds when provisionally prepared it demonstrates 
that the accounts will not balance, he invents a false item to go 
into the accounts, so that when it has passed through the 
journal and ledger into the balance-sheet, it shall exactly fit 
the discrepancy, and cause the balance-sheet to appear to show 
the accounts to balance. He thus causes his dishonest accounts 
to appear honest. That expedient in commercial terms is 
known as "forcing a balance." The essence of such dis- 
honest transaction seems to describe the essence of the un- 
numbered fictitious inventions of these critics, invented to 
make what is false appear to be true, to make the flat and 
positive failures of these hypotheses appear to be successes. 
This is done by these critics even to the extent of expurgfing, 
altering, adding to, and changing the Bible record — mutilating 
the Word of God. When the little damsel was requested by 
her Sunday-school teacher to define mendacity, using Scrip- 
ture expressions, she answered, A lie is " an abomination of 
the Lord," but "a present help in time of trouble." These 
invented doings of the critics' redactor seem to fall within 
both branches of the damsel's definition. 

Remitting further consideration of the ethics of these in- 
ventions of the critics, let us see how the inventions fare when 
subjected to the ordeal of trial by the rules and standards of 
juridical science. The critics' new propositions (a) and (&) 
come inevitably under the exacting grip and demand of the 
maxim which calls upon the critics to prove their propositions, 
— ^make them " good " by " proof " or they cannot be " held " 
for any purpose. We deny the alleged redactor and deny his 
alleged performances. This again produces new* collateral 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and Higher CrOicisnu 76 

issues. Here, again, the aflSrmative and burden of proof rest 
upon these critics. What evidence do they produce to estab- 
lish as fact that their invented functionary R existed, and 
especially acted as they allege? None. The judgmient of 
judicial science, on failure of evidence, is, ipso facto, that the 
critics' allegations (a) and (b) fail, are invalid, repudiated, 
and all claims, inferences, and conclusions founded on them 
must be held for naught 

But this is not all. The very expedients the critics resort to, 
to remedy failures of their hypotheses, are suicidal, — result 
in plain felo de se. Take, for illustration, the critics' attempt 
to remedy the failure of their hypotheses, when applied to the 
record of Jacob's vow. To cure that failure, the critics strike 
out of the Bible record in Genesis the words "then shall 
Jehovah be my God.*' 

The book of Genesis is an Ancient Document. The rule 
of jurisprudence regarding ancient documents is stated by 

"Every document, apparently ancient, coming from the proper re- 
pository or custody, and bearing on its face no evident marks of 
forgery, the law presumes to be genuine." "An Ancient Document, 
offered in evidence in onr courts, is said to come from the proper re- 
pository, when it is found in the place where, and under the care of 
persons, with whom such writings might naturally and reasonably be 
expected to be found ; for it is this custody which gives authenticity 
to documents found within it.^. . . The presumption of law is the 
judgment of charity. It presumes that every man is innocent until 
he is proved guilty ; that everything has hecn done fairly and legally, 
until it has been proved othertoise; and that every document, found 
in its proper repository, and not bearing the marks of forgery, is gen- 
uine. Now this is precisely the case with the Sacred Writings. They 
have been used in the church from time immemorial, and are thus 
found in the place where alone they ought to be looked for. They 

^Tlndal, Ch. J., in Bishop of Meath v. Marquis of Winchester, 3 
Bing. N. C. 183, 200, 201. See too Greenleaf on Ev. sec. 142 ; 1 Starkie 
on Ev. pp. 332-335, 381-386; Croughton v. Blake, 12 Mees. & W. 205, 
208; THye v. PhUlips, 10 Jur. 34. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

76 Science and Higher Criticism. [Jan. 

come to us, and challenge our reception of them as genuine writings, 
precisely as Domesday Book, the Ancient Statutes of Wales, or any 
others of the ancient documents recently published, under the British 
Record Commission, are received. They are found in familiar use in 
all the churches of Christendom, as the sacred boolis to which all 
denominations of Christians refer, as the standard of their faith." * 

The contention of these critics is that their hypothesis of 
the alternation of the divine names will work on the Ancient 
Document the book of Genesis, but when they strike out from 
Genesis the clause " then shall Jehovah be my God," what is 
left is no longer the book of Genesis, on which that hypothesis 
is being tested, but by that expurgation it has become another 
and different book; different by the expurgation of the very 
matter which showls the hypotheses will not work. That the 
hypotheses will work on the expurgated relic is entirely 
immaterial. It cannot support in the least the contention of 
the critics, any more than would their showing that the 
hypothesis would work on a chapter in Josephus or on a fable 
of ^sop. To propose to a competent court that an hypothesis 
that would not work on a passage of Genesis as it is would 
work if the clause that prevented its working was stricken 
out, would not only make the proponent the laughing-stock 
of intelligent hearers, but, if persisted in, would receive 
merited rebuke from the court. Yet that is what these critics 
have succeeded in palming off as true, it seems, upon many 
m the ministry and many engaged in educational work. This 
expurgation from Genesis of Jacob's vow is only one of un- 
numbered instances of like changing the Bible record by 
these critics to make failures of their hypotheses to work 
appear to be successes.^ 

We next consider the critics' contention No. 2, i. e., that, 

because a narrative can be partitioned, and two new ones be 

* Testimony of Evangelists, pp. 7-8 ; Evidences, sees. 34, 142, 570. 
«Prob. of the Old Test., pp. 220-235. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and Higher Criticism. 77 

manufactured from the severed parts, therefore, the original 
must have been composite, made from the two tHus manu- 
factured. The falsity of this contention of the critics has been 
demonstrated. Dr. Green has taken the parable spoken by 
Christ on the Prodigal Son, and demonstrated that by merely 
employing the methods (including use of redactor) of the 
critics, the language of the parable can be partitioned into two 
complete narratives, designated respectively A and B,^ agp"ee- 
ing in some points and disagreeing in others, and each having 
its special characteristics. We quote in part what Dr. Green 
shows is accomplished by the operation. 

**.... The only deficiencies are enclosed in parentheses, and may be 
readily explained as omissions by the redactor in efifecting the com- 
bination. A clause must be supplied at the beginning of B, a subject 
is wanting in ver. 13b, and ver. 25b, and the verb ' said ' is wanting in 
ver. 23. As these omissions occur exclusively in B, it may be inferred 
that the redactor placed A at the basis, and incorporated B into it 
with only such slight changes as were necessary to adapt it to this 

** The differences are quite as striking as the points of agreement 
A dlstingaishes the sons as elder and younger ; B makes no mention 
of their relative ages. In A the younger obtained his portion by solic- 

^ We regret that lack of space prevents our giving the entire para- 
ble as partitioned by Dr. Green. See his Higher Criticism of the 
Pentateuch, pp. 119-124 ; also The Bible Student and Teacher, May, 
IWT, vol. vl. pp. 355-369. 

THE PBODIGAL SON, Luke XV. 11-32. 

A B 

11. A certain man had two (A certain man had two sons) : 

sons: 12. and the younger of 12b. and he divided unto them 

them said to his father. Father his living. 

give me the portion of thy sub- 13b. And (one of them) took 

stance that falleth to me. . . . his Journey into a far country. 

13. And not many days after the ... 14. And when he had spent 

younger son gathered all together all, there arose a mighty famine 

.... and there he wasted his sub- in that country. ... 15. And he 

stance with riotous living. . . . went and Joined himself to one 

of the citizens of that country; 

14h. and he began to be in and he sent him into his fields to 

want feed swine. 16. And he would 

16b. And no man gave unto fain have been filled with the 

hiBL husks that the swine did eat 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

78 Science and Higher Criticism. [Jan. 

Itation, and the father retained the remainder in his own possession ; 
in B the father divided his property between both of his sons of his 
own motion. In A the prodigal remained in his father's neighborhood, 
and reduced himself to penury by riotous living; in B he went to a 
distant country and spent all his property, but there is no Intimation 
that he indulged in unseemly excesses. It would rather appear that 
he was injudicious; and to crown his misfortunes there occurred a 
severe famine. His fault seems to have consisted in having gone so 
far away from his father and from the holy land, and in engaging in 
the unclean occupation of tending swine. In A the destitution seems 
to have been chiefly want of clothing ; in B want of food. Hence in 
A the father directed the best robe and ring and shoes to be brought 
for him ; in B the fatted calf was killed. In B the son came from a 
distant land, and the father saw him afar off ; in A he came from the 
neighborhood, and the father ran at once and fell on his neck and 
kissed him. In B he had been engaged in a menial occupation and 
so bethought himself of his father's hired servants, and asked to he 
made a servant himself; in A he had been living luxuriously, and 
while confessing his unworthiness makes no request to be put on the 
footing of a servant In A the father speaks of his son having been 
dead because of his profligate life; in B of his having been lost be- 
cause of his absence in a distant land. In A, but not in B, the other 
son was displeased at the reception given to the prodigal. And here 
it would appear that R has slightly altered the text „ The elder son 
must have said to his father in A, ' When this thy son came, which 
hath devoured thy substance with harlots, thou didst put on him the 
best robe.' The redactor has here substituted the B word * living ' for 
' substance ' which is used by A ; and with the view of making a better 
contrast with *kid' he has Introduced the B phrase, *thou killedst 
for him the fatted calf.' " 

This illustrates the method of operation in manufacturing 
alleged parallel E and J narratives. It is not necessary to 
nniltiply illustrations, for this one cited, and a like analysis 
by Dr. Green of the parable of the Good Samaritan^ show 
the method and means by which critics effect partition of the 
Pentateuch, and how, in thus manufacturing alleged ante- 
Pentateuchal narratives, E and J, they themselves in the very 
process of manufacture produce alleged discrepancies and 
contradictions where none really exist, and where none could 
be created, had the writer of Genesis used one ancient narra- 
» Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch, p. 122. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and Higher Criticism. 79 

tive only, either oral or written, as a source in writing the book. 
It is the vice of manufacturing two or more narratives of the 
same matters of the Pentateuch that gives destructive critics 
the means and opportunity to imagfine, conceive, create, and 
deduce alleged divergencies, contradictions, and destructive 
conclusions, with which they attack the verity of the Bible. 
This may explain why the critics hold so tenaciously to their 
theory of parallel narratives of sources of the Pentateuch, 
ffigher critics treat parallel documents as witnesses. One 
says, "How blind to what we might learn from the diver- 
gencies of our witnesses the man who can do no better than 
to hurry to the rescue with the harmonistic suggestion."* This 
they do, by simply sundering what properly belong together. 
A method of critical analysis that can be made, by the critics' 
manipulation, to prove everything, even a literary unit, a 
parable of Christ, to be composite, is thereby condemned. It 
demcmstrates that such method of analysis cannot be trusted 
or allowed as a means or method to prove anything. 

By the critics' proposition or hypothesis Nb. 3, they con- 
tend that they account for what, they assert, imperatively 
demands explanation, viz., phenomenal alternate occurrences 
of the divine names Elohim and Jehovah in the Pentateuch: 
and that they thereby further support their contention of tHe 
preexistence of the alleged E and J narratives, as parallel 
sources of that portion of the Bible. In the early part of 
Genesis (the first five chapters) we find conspicuous instances 
of alternate occurrence of the divine names, but not after- 

In juridical science, an hypothesis is a theory proposed in 
explanation of facts or phenomena in a case.* But, as hereto- 

^B. W. Bacon, The Sermon on the Mount, p. 73. 
' Anderson, Law Lexicon, p. 519. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

80 Science and Higher Criticism. [Jan. 

fore noted, an hypothesis is not admissible and has no value, — 
is not admissible in administering jurisprudence, — unless it 
excludes every other explanation of the phenomena and ex- 
cludes every other hypothesis but the one proposed and under 
consideration. Hence this contention No. 3 of the critics in- 
volves the primary inquiry whether the alternation of the 
divine namies in the Pentateuch, even in the first five chapters 
of Genesis, is phenomenal in fact or whether, on the contrary, 
the situation, conditions, and subject-matter recorded, and the 
relation of Deity thereto, and the literary character of the 
record do not rationally and fully account for, and explain, all 
alternating occurrences of the divine names. 

Bible students, including extreme critics, agree in discover- 
ing a discrimination in usage in the Bible between the names 
Elohim and Jehovah. " God Elohim denotes the Divine Being 
in his relation to the universe at large, as creator, preserver 
and governor of all his creatures and all their actions." In 
the other relation, "Jehovah denotes God as he reveals him- 
self to man, especially in g^ce."^ 

The Bible record exhibits the discrimination by usage — the 
usage of the writer in employing for record one or the other 
divine name according as one or the other name as so dis- 
criminated was related to the subject-matter being recorded. 
But, as the relation of Deity to such subject-matter was not 
alwlays one only of those aspects, but sometimes involved that 
of both, either was used or both divine names were recorded 
together, according to the subject-matter successively, as seen 
in the record. 

The question recurs. Is there any other explanation of the 

^ J. D. Davis, Bible Dictionary, p. 565. In line with this, see 
Driver, Introduction, p. 13; Knenen, Hexateuch, p. 56; Orr, Prob. 
of the Old Test, p. 225 ; Qreen, Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch, 
p. 105. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and Higher Criticism. 81 

alternate use of the names Elohim and Jehovah in the Pen- 
tateuch, except the hypothesis of the critics, that it was caused 
by embodying in it alternate sections frcwn the alleged E and 
J narratives? If any other explanation is established, it 
repudiates the critics' hypothesis. Biblical writers, in classi- 
fying periods covered by the Pentateuch, set off the period 
from creation to the birth of Noah, embraced in the first five 
chapters of Genesis, as "The Antediluvian Age, Gen. i.-v."* 
Genesis of that period is not full history of the time, but 
records a series of episodes plus one imique chapter of 

The first chapter of GeiKsis and the first three verses of 
the second chapter record the episode of Creation. It 
names six successive creation periods, in each of which mighty 
acts of creation were wtought. During all the time occupied 
in these creation periods, until the sixth period, there was no 
human being in existence to whom God could appear as 
** Jehovah" — God of revelation and gp-ace. The relation of 
Deity to the Creation Episode wtas specifically that of 
Creator (Elohim). The subject-matter and conditions 
recorded, and the relation of God to them, suggested as the 
appropriate divine name, Elohim, and Elohim is used through- 
out. This rationally and fully accounts for the use of Elohim 
in this episode, and we can confidently say that that is all 
there is of it. 

The next episode is Genesis ii. 4-25 ; that which records the 
planting of a garden by God, his installing man in it, and 
starting man on his career to subdue to ntan's use the powers 
God had set in the world, and to attain and establish moral 
character, such as should fit man to apprehend, love, com- 
mune, and covenant with Jehovah. This last was to be 

> Green, Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch, p. 90. 
Vol. I*XV. No. 257. 6 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

82 Science and Higher Criticism. [Jan. 

accomplished by test and trial of man, his meeting temptation 
to disobey, but overcoming and obeying because his Creator 
(Elohiml) so commanded. The subject-matter of tEis episode, 
and the relation of Deity to it, rationally required the dis- 
criminating name Jehovah, and with literary appropriateness 
the record has Jehovah throughout that episode. But the 
episode embraces also the apprehension of Deity as Creator, 
which shows him rightful lawlgiver for man. Both aspects of 
Deity are here distinctly related to the subject-matter; both 
names are suggested, and Elohim is added to Jehovah all 
through this episode. But this is not all. The name Elohim 
is added to Jehovah in apposition. Apposition is the addition 
of a parallel word or phrase by way of explanation or illus- 
tration of another. This accords with the situation and seems 
reasonably to justify adding the name Elohim to Jehovah in 
this episode. The rhetorical use of apposition is distinctive 
in Hebrew literature, as shown in Pbalms, Job, Proverbs, 
Ecclesiastes, etc. This prominent element of apposition in 
Hebrew literature might be deemed sufficient alone to account 
for the addition of Elohim to Jehovah in this episode. So, 
too, does the subject-matter and the relation of Deity to it 
Again we say confidently that the use of the divine names to- 
gether (Jehovah Elohim) in the second episode is clearly 
accounted for by the subject-matter and condition recorded, 
and the relation of Deity thereto, and no hypothesis is re- 
quired or permissible to explain it. 

The next episode (Gen. iii.) is that of the temptation of 
Adam and Eve, their failure, and God's dealing with that fail- 
ure. As literature, the record of this episode consists of 
dialogue and narration. The duty of one recording dialogue 
is to record the names the speakers use, in the dialogue, 
verbatim et literatimu It is quotation. The writer, the 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and Higher Criticism. 88 

editor, does not select the words, but records the selection of 
names mpde by participants in the dialogue.* Genesis is an 
Ancient Document, and the legal presumption is that the 
record of the dialogue in the document has thus been made 
correctly,* and there is no evidence to the contrary. This 
record begins with dialogue. The tempter, called Serpent, 
employs the name Elohim in the dialogue with Eve, and Eve 
uses Elohim in her replies. That accounts for the use of 
Elohimt in that connection. The narrative part of the chapter 
has the divine names again in apposition (Jehovah Elohim*). 
The subject-matter is the command of "Jehovah Elohim" 
of chapter ii.; disobedience by Adam and Eve, and the 
penalty therefor. This episode grew out of the episode 
recorded in chapter ii. and is directly connected with it. The 
subject-matter, conditions, and the relation of Deity to them 
and dialogue, fully explain this emplo3m:^nt of the divine 
names as recorded in this episode, and no hypothesis is re- 
quired or juridically admissible in the matter. 

The next episode records the birth of Cain and Seth, the 
worship by Cain and Abel; the murder of Abel, and God's 
judgment upon Cain (Gen. iv.). The record here embraces 
monologue and narration. The recorder's duty regarding 
monologue is identical with his duty in recording dialogue, 
i. e., to record the names the speaker uses. The legal presump- 

* In his Notes Critical and Practical on Genesis, Professor George 
Bush considers and accounts for the observable variances in the use 
of the divine names which he seems to have found only in the first 
five chapters of Genesis, for he names eadi of those and no others, 
and notes In explanation of those variances the distinction In compo- 
sition between narration and recording personal discourse, dialogue, 
or monologue and states the mle, " When a quotation Is made, then, as 
the fidelity of history requires, the name used by the person intro- 
duced as speaker is inserted" (vol. i. p. xxxlv). 
H3reenleaf, Evidence, p. 22. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

84 Science and Higher Criticism, [Jsin. 

tion is that the duty was here performed correctly and there 
is no evidence to the contrary. At the beginning of the chapter 
upon the birth of Cain, Eve said, " I have gotten me a man 
from Jehovah," and that name is continued in narrative to 
verse 25, at the end of the chapter. At the birth of Seth, Eve, 
speaking in the first person, says, "For Elohim hath ap- 
pointed me another seed instead of Abel, whom Cain slew " 
(ver. 25). Monologue accounts for those alternations of the 
divine names. The choosing the names was the choice of 
Eve, not the selection of the writer or editor of Genesis. In 
the narrative part of the record of this episode the divine 
name Jehovah is employed, following its use by Eve. The 
relation of Deity to the subject-matter suggested the name 
Jehovah, which regards him as receiving worship from man 
and dealing with men as Ruler and Preserver. The situation, 
conditions, and subject-matter, the relation of Deity to them, 
and monologue, fully account for the alternation of the divine 
names in this chapter. 

The next chapter (Gen. v.) is the unique combination of 
genealogy and chronology during the Antediluvian Age. The 
chapter begins with the creation of Adam, and appropriately 
continues the name Elohim spdcen by Eve in preceding chap- 
ters. " Enoch walked with Elohim " and " was not, for 
Elohim took him." The relation of Deity to the subject- 
matter was that of Elohim (Creator), and Elohim is retained. 
But when the genealogy conies to the birth of Noah, the 
record again has monologue. Lamech the fatKer, speaking in 
the first person, calls his son's name " Noah," saying, " This 
same shall comfort us concerning our work and toil of our 
hands because of the ground Jehovah has cursed." The legal 
presumption is that the divine name quoted in the monologue 
was chosen by Lamech, and not by the writer of Genesis, and 

Digitized*by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Science and Higher Criticism. 85 

was truly recorded, and there is no evidence to the contrary. 
Here again the subject-matter, condition, and relation of Deity 
to the matters involved and monologue fully and rationally 
account for the alternation of the divine names in this chapter, 
as we have now seen they do in every episode in the 
Antediluvian Age. There is neither need nor permissible 
place for the critics' hypothesis to account for the alternations. 

The importance of this explanation of the cause of alterna- 
tion of divine names in the record will appear more vividly 
perhaps if we consider the significant fact that the alterna- 
tions caused by quoting names used by speakers in dialogue 
or monologue is doubk the number occurring in narration.* 

Nowhere else in the Bible do we find any such apparently 
phenomenal series of instances of alternation of the divine 
names as are found in the first five chapters of Genesis. It 
justifies the conclusion that, had it not been for such apparent- 
ly phenomenal alternation of the names in the Antediluvian 

» 1. Gen. n. 4 from " Elohim " to " J^ovah Elohlm " In narration. 

2. Gen. lii. 1 from " Jehovah Elohlm " to " Elohlm " In dialogue. 

3. Gen. Hi. 8 from " Elohlm '* to " Jehovah Elohlm " in narration. 

4. Gen. iv. 1 from " Jehovah Elohlm " to " Jehovah " In mono- 

6. Gen. v. 25 from "Jehovah" to "Elohlm" In monologue. 

6. Gen. v. 29 from " Elohim " to " Jehovah " In monologue. 

Change of divine names caused by quoting names used by speakers 
in dialogue or monologue, 4 ; occurring In narration, 2. 

This is approximately the ratio throughout the Pentateuch. A rapid 
scrutiny of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers disclosed one 
hundred and forty changes of divine names caused by quoting names 
used by speakers In such discourse, and eighty changes occurring In 
narration, a ratio of 7 to 4. 

Deuteronomy (excepting the last chapter) Is monologue through- 
out It begins, "These are the words Moaea spake" and so con- 
tinues. The name Moses uses is " Jehovah thy Elohim," with appro- 
priate inflections of the pronoun. In some eight instances when 
Elohim is used alone, as in ch. iv. 33, 34, it Is still used In monologue. 
The last chapter Is narration of termination of Moses' life, and em- 
ploys the divine name Jehovah only. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

S6 Science and Higher Criticism. [Jan. 

period, we should never have beard of the critics' partition 
theory, or of the alleged E, J, et al. narratives as parallel 
sources of the Pentateuch. 

To one who looks no deeper into matters embraced in the 
Antediluvian record than to merely count the number of alter- 
nations of divine names, those alternations may seem phe- 
nomenal. But when they are considered in connection with 
the situation, — quoted dialogue, monologue, subject-matter, 
and the relation of Deity to what is there recorded, — thene is 
nothing phenomenal in the frequent alternations of names 
there seen. That frequency is rationally and completely ac- 
counted for by the conditions and subject-matter recorded and 
the relation of Deity thereto, as well as by recording the 
names speakers used in dialogue and monologue. Such 
thorough examination of the subject-matter recorded, the 
relations of Deity to it, and of the literary character of the 
record is merely the application of the Scientific Method of 
examination to the record, and what is embraced in it. That 
method, carried through the Pentateuch, will, and does, ex- 
plain every other instance of alternation of the divine names 
throughout the whole.^ 

The limits of this article preclude continuing such test to 
other instances in the remainder of the Pentateuch, and it is 
not necessary, for the tests can be applied successfully by any 
one sufficiently interested to be thorough. 

^ See all instances of alternation of the divine names in Genesis ex- 
amined by Dr. Qreen, In his Unity of Genesis. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Current Views of Inmumence. 87 




Every great and precious truth suffers from perversion. 
Unfair applications are made of it, unjustifiable conclusions 
are drawn from it, and sometimes it is so confused with 
specious error as either to lose its proper place and function, 
or be put under the ban of suspicion. Such is the peril that 
now threatens that inspiring and comforting conception of 
God comprehended under the term immanence. When the 
preacher refers to some aspects of this doctrine, unless he is 
unusually clear and discriminating, he will be misunderstood. 
Either he will be set down as a pantheist, or be interpreted as 
favoring Christian Science, Theosophy, New Thought, or some 
other of the current sects, most of which are propagating a 
jumble of subjective idealism and Hindu pantheism. 

WHAT immanence IS. 

1. It is a theory of the mode of the divine existence. Im^ 
manence means indwelling. It is the essential indwelling of 
God in the universe. Yet he is distinct from the universe 
which he has made and is superior to it. Bowne defines the 
doctrine thus : " God is the omnipresent ground of all finite 
existence .... the world continually depends upon, and is up- 
held by the ever-living, ever-present, ever-working God." 
lUingworth, basing his view upon the analogy of the indwell- 
ing spirit of man in his body, says: "The divine presence 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

88 Current Views of Irmncmence, [Jan. 

which we recognize in nature will be the presence of a Spirit 
which infinitely transcends the material order, yet indwells 
it." John Caird affirms : " God is not simply the Creator of 
the world, but the inward principle and ground of its being." 
Clark describes immanence as "omnipresent energy," and 
adds, " Immanence means that God is everywhere and always 
present in the universe, while transcendence means that He is 
not limited by it. He is a free Spirit inhabiting His universe, 
but surpassing it." Some one has illustrated the immanence 
of God in the world by a sponge filled with water. The water 
is in every part of the sponge. The illustration fails in that it 
contains no suggestion of the transcendence of God. It seems 
to invest God in the world in such a way as to deprive him 
of freedom and transcendence. Illingworth's suggestion is 
wiser. God is in his world as I am in my body. Yet I am 
greater than my body. I transcend it. I am in every part of 
my body, potentially. It may be convenient to aid thought 
with some such illustration, because it is difficult to associate 
our ideas of personality with that of a universal Spirit. We 
are accustomed to thinking in the terms of time and space. 
Hence we localize God. The Hebrews did the same thing. 
Yet the attempt to free the idea of God from spatial limita- 
tions is inevitable in the evolution of human thought. Pfleiderer 
says : " God is neither in space, nor outside of space, but Him- 
self spaceless, founds space ; i. e. embraces in Himself all that 
is in space as mutually related and connected in Himself in 
the articulated world." When this task of thinking God free 
from the categories of time and space is accomplished, the 
conception of immanence will be more thoroughly appreciated. 
Human thought upon God's relation to the world has oscil- 
lated between two extremes; from the deistic conception, 
which entirely removes him from active relation to the world. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908..] Current Views of Immanence. 89 

to the pantheistic, which identifies him with it, so investing 
him in it as to obliterate his personality and destroy his free- 
dom. Deism denies his omnipresence; pantheism denies his 
omnipotence. The task of Christian thought is to find the 
middle ground, in a union of immanence and transcendence. 
The deistic notion of God persists in the pernicious and con- 
fusing distinction between " natural " and " supernatural," in 
our doctrine of special providences, and in much of our pray- 
ing, which implies God's externality to nature and asks for 
his entrance into it for a special act. Pantheism, on the other 
hand, so identifies God with nature as to resolve him into an 
impersonal force virtually impirisoned within matter, and, 
equally with deism, makes answer to prayer impossible. God 
is the only reality. The world and all it contains is but a 
phantom. Spinoza declared : " It is only imagfination that 
lends to things seen and temporal the appearance of reality.*' 
Thus in the Being of an absolute God disappear the freedom 
and personality of man. "All is God," as Mrs. Eddy says, 
and in her hope of being " assimilated to God," she agrees 
with Hinduism that salvation issues in re-absorption into the 
Being of God. As John Caird says : " This union with the 
Infinite is union with vacuity." 

2. The Christian view of immanence is close to pantheism. 
The check is the transcendent idea. God is transcendent as 
well as immanent. He is in his world but is greater than the 
world. The universe is an organism of which he is the life 
and power. Its laws and processes are God's operations mani- 
festing himself and unfolding his purpose. In the same way 
he indwells and sustains man. This view avoids the unnatural 
distinction between the natural and the supernatural, which is 
a relic of deism, and father of the notion of special providences 
as the principal evidences of God's presence and power in the 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

90 Current Views of Intinanence. [Jan. 

world. At every moment and in every place he is working in 
and controlling nature. "Nothing is more natural than the 
supernatural." Nothing so clearly evinces his presence and 
mastery as this regularity and beneficence. 

Here is the meeting ground of philosophy, science, and 
theology. Philosophy, as in the teaching of Lotze, holds to 
the idea of a universal energy which establishes order in the 
universe. Physical science is approaching the same position. 
Behind all natural phenomena there is an unseen, immeasur- 
able power that causes evolutions and multiplications. What 
is this power? The scientist may answer, " I do not know," 
but the fact he acknowledges. The Christian theist says: 
"This is the immanent, transcendent God." This force 
exhibits tokens of personality as we understand personality. 
It works in an orderly way. It works toward definite 
ends. These ends are moral. Here we come in sight 
of a personal, moral Being as the ground of all things. So 
long as science pauses with phenomena and laws, it stops just 
short of a sufficiently comprehensive idea to include the cause 
and continuance of laws and phenomiena. Neither does it 
account for man, his freedom, moral nature, and universal re- 
ligiousness. Unless science boldly seeks a ground idea broad 
enough to include all these, it Is chargeable with defeat or 
cowardice. It is forced to the alternative, materialism or 
theism. As Le Conte said, " Either God operates motion, 
or motion operates itself." Thus science and philosophy will 
ultimately unite in the Christian confession of God. 


1. Philosophical difficulties. 

(1) How shall we reconcile immanence and human free- 
dom? If God is immanent and active in man as he is in the 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Current Views of Itrttnanence. 91 

world, how can man's actions be free? This is the old 
problem, and it is unanswerable ultimately. We have to fall 
back upon experience rather than upon any philosophic princi- 
ple. We know that we are measurably free, and yet we all 
realize our dependence upon God. 

In the attempt to shed light upon this problem, suppose we 
begin with the biblical declaration that man is "made in the 
image of God." This likeness must be sought in the spiritual 
constitution of man. He has made us sharers in his nature. 
May this not be in reason, love, and freedom ? If we wiere to 
develop normally, would it not be in the direction of the 
divine nature? Freedom, however, makes possible the choice 
of sin, which hinders the natural development of these capaci- 
ties. Now while God is present within us, it is not as a 
coercive power, but as a persuasive moral influence, as the 
principle of a higher life. No one holds that he is independent 
of God, or that he would continue to exist if God were absent. 
We all depend, good and bad alike, continually upon him. 
That within this general dependence we have a relative inde- 
pendence is the conviction of experience. For, first, we have 
certain feelings and thoughts, and perform certain deeds which 
are our own. It is absurd to ascribe them to another. We 
certainly could not attribute them to God without involving 
more insoluble problems still. For example, if God thinks 
my thoughts, with all their errors and uncertainties, how can 
be be the Supreme Reason at the same time? Multiply this 
by the number of finite spirits, and we have innumerable con- 
fusicms in God, which are insoluble as long as we think of 
him as pla)ring both sides of the game. Secondly, when we 
reflect upon our life as a whole, we are unable to regard it as 
completely self-sufficient and self-centered. We do not know 
how these two, myself and God, are joined, how immanence 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

92 Current Views of InwnanenCe. [Jan. 

and freedom agree, yet we know we cannot abandon either 
without faring worse. We must agjee upon the coexistence 
and the separateness of the finite and the Infinite, which make 
possible moral relations and moral government. Through 
moral union with Him there must be an ever-increasing im- 
manence of God in man, which Paul has described as the 
" fullness of the measure of the stature of Christ." Sin is the 
wrong use of freedom, and, as far as it rules, hinders this 
immanence of God in us. 

(2) There is a second difficulty. How, on the basis of a 
thoroughgoing immanence, can we account for the evil in the 
world? If God is personally present and directly acting in 
the forces of nature, why is he not the immediate agent of all 
the dreadful things that occur — storms, earthquakes, famines, 
plagues, wrecks — as well as the direct inspirer of all the 
savagery of beasts? Here ag^in it is easier to ask than to 
answer. The universe is a vast orgjanism, slowly developing 
according to orderly, beneficent laws. Great ends are to be 
served. The individual subserves the need of the whole. Many 
things which we deem evil, may not be so from God's point 
of view, or when we consider the high ends which they serve, 
and the progress which they inspire. Walker declares that 
God as he is in himself is not in the world, but only his reason 
is here carrying on the process of evolution. Hence God can- 
not be held responsible for the so-called evils.^ But this in- 
volves an unthinkable and incredible diremption of divine per- 
sonality. If God is to give rise to such an intelligible world as 
we see, peopled with a race of free beings, the experiences 
which now seem so dreadful cannot be avoided save as human 
progress eliminates them. God is perfect Reason, hence he 
works in the best possible way and this is the best possible 
'Christian Theism and Spiritual Monism, pp. 247-250. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Current Views of Ininumence. 93 

world. He cannot abrogate himelf to spare his children the 
pain of progress, otherwise how would they gain dominion of 
nature at all? How could a race of free rational beings de- 
velop into God-likeness, if spared all hardships? God cannot 
always spare us and at the same time make us. 

2. We note some dangers of a pantheistic interpretation of 

(1) Some current views of immanence tend to obliterate 
the personality of God. The insistence that God is in every 
cell of the body, in every atom of matter, and in every portion 
of space, renders the conception of the divine Being nebulous 
and impersonal. He becomes "The Only Substance," "The 
All of Things." In short, we have pantheism pure and simple. 
Most of the religious fads are founded upon this conception 
of God borrowed from the East. Christian Science denies the 
reality of matter. All is mind. That mind is God. We are 
but fragments of God. Our goal is "assimilation to God." 
Thus disappear together the personality of God and man in 
the "motionless iibyss of the unconditioned." The emptiness 
and hopelessness of such a philosophy (for it is not re- 
ligion) needs no further comment. 

(2) One notes also the pantheistic construction of im- 
manence that shuts God up to a prearranged order, which he 
cannot transgress. This denial of transcendence leaves us as 
helpless as under deism. Prayer concerning affairs in the 
physical order is futile, because the answer to such a prayer 
would involve disturbance in nature and changeableness in 

The element of truth in this view is the point of departure to- 
ward false conclusions. Obviously God has an orderly method 
of conducting the' universe. We call it law. But God, not law, 
is the ultimate fact. This regular and beneficent way of work- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

94 Current Views of Inrntanence. [Jan. 

ing is evidence of God's presence. But to affirm that he is shut 
up to these observable ways, or known law's, is quite another 
thing. To do so is to affirm that we have compassed the 
physical order and have acquired exhaustive knowledge of the 
divine methods and resources. For if we have twt mastered 
nature and exhausted God, events which we term miraculous 
may occur according to laws deeper than we now know. If 
God is free and supreme, who dares to assert that the visible 
processes of nature include the entire range of his activities ? 
But this is exactly what is implied in a theory of immanence 
which agrees with materialism in denying God's transcend- 
ence over nature. It is strange, indeed, if God cannot work 
in ways as much beyond us as our present knowledge sur- 
passes that of the ancient Hebrews, who called many events 
miraculous that are not so to us. If God is really transcendent 
as well as immanent, then events outside the known order 
may occur. We call them " miracles " (an unfortunate term), 
conveying the idea that they are opposed to nature, which is 
impossible if God is immanent in nature. Back of the ob- 
served laws of nature is the divine causality. God works in 
his world freely. Uniformity and change are alike the ex- 
pressions of his will, and neither can disturb the ongoing of 
the universe. Such an event as the resurrection of Jesus is as 
possible as is the revolution of the world on its axis. 

Those who hold to an immanence which denies the possi- 
bility of "miracles" and the validity of prayer save as a 
reflex influence, endeavor to escape the log^c of their position 
by affirming that God is free and transcendent in the spiritual 
sphere, but limited in the physical. Martineau said : ** God 
may act naturally as a free cause in the spiritual sphere, com- 
municating His grace in answer to prayer."^ If your child is 

* Study of Religion, 11. 190-194. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Current Views of Inwumence. 95 

ill, God can give you peace and resignation, but he cannot 
stay the disease. But if the physical order subserves the 
spiritual, and God is transcendent and immanent in both, why 
may not such an event as the restoration of your child be 
possible and natural as a revelation of God's presence and 

(3) One of the invariable accompaniments of thor- 
oughgoing immanence is an exaggerated emphasis upon the 
moral consciousness as the ultimate, if not the exclusive, organ 
of revelation. One hastens to affirm grateful acceptance of all 
the light that comes from this source. If there were no other 
it would be foremost. If we were sinless beings it would be 
perfect. We believe in the " religion of the spirit " (Sabatier), 
but this does not warrant an indifferent or contemptuous 
treatment of the Scriptures, to which we are indebted for the 
greatest Light, the record of Him who is " light of the 
world." The declaration " You may take away the Bible and 
I will still have my religion," needs explanation. What kind of 
a religion would it be? Take the Bible out of the world, and 
what would be the condition in a hundred years? The heathen 
has a moral consciousness. He has gods. But what gods! 
Why do we send him the Bible? Plato acknowledged this 
inner light, but confessed its dimness and longed for a surer 

Such are some of the tendencies of current views of im- 
manence. It is the peril of pantheism, which robs God of 
transcendence and personality. It is the peril of religious 
starvation. It denies the value of prayer, save as a reflex 
agent. It overemphasizes the authority of the religious con- 
sciousness and minimizes the importance of the record of 
divine revelation contained in the Scriptures. Gladly do we 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

96 Current Views of Imnumence. [Jan. 

accept in general some theory of divine immanence. God 
dwells in his world. He works in every part of it, exerting 
his power and wisdom in sustaining its order and carrying 
out his beneficent purposes. But we cannot believe that he 
is actually invested in nature, or shut up to its observable or- 
der. He is greater than his world. He is transcendent as 
well as immanent. 

Does not the acceptance of his transcendence and immanence 
in all spheres save us from pantheism and g^ard against the 
pantheistic isms rife to-day? Do^ it not harmonize with 
Jesus' teaching regarding God's Supremacy and Fatherhood? 
Does it not save us the reality and valiae of prayer for all 
varieties of need? The sovereign, ever-present Father, who 
notes the sparrow's fall and adorns the blossom of a day, will 
bear and answer the prayers of his children for temporal and 
spiritual blessings. No fixed, mechanical order of nature com- 
pels him to stand helpless to answer the cries of needy men. 
The humblest or the highest may seek him with confidence. 
The grounds of this faith are individual and aggregate ex- 
perience, the beneficence of nature, and the character of God 
as exhibited in the Christ of the New Testament. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] '' Israel's Lcms and Legal Precedents:' 97 



by harold m. wiener, m.a., ll.b., barrister-at-law, 
Lincoln's inn, London. 


Under the titie of " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents," 
Dr. Charles Foster Kent, Woolsey Professor of Biblical litera- 
ture in Yale University, has published a portly volume setting 
forth the views of the Wellhausen school on the origin of the 
Pentateuchal legislation. The size and character of the work 
are such that it can hardly be allowed to pass unnoticed in this 
Review, but the task of dealing with it is of such a nature 
that brevity is unfortunately out of the question. 

Although he has made himself responsible for a big book on 
Israelitish law. Dr. Kent, like the other members of his 
school, is entirely devoid of any tincture of legal knowledge 
or training. He cannot distinguish a freeman from a slave, 
a house from an altar, rape from seduction, a yearly tax from 
a single ransom for souls. He has no acquaintance with 
l^;al literature. He does not even know the meanings of the 
ordinary English legal terms that he uses. He resembles his 
friends, too, in another matter. No reliance at all can be 
placed on any statement made by him. His representations 
may in any particular case turn out to be true or they may be 
fcdse : but there is no a priori probability one way or the other : 

^iBrael's Laws and Legal Precedents. By Charles Foster Kent, 
PIlD., Woolsey Professor of Biblical Literature in Yale University. 
8vo. London : Hodder & Stonghton ; New York : Charles Scribner's 
Sods. 1907. 

Vol. LXV. No. 267. 7 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

98 " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents." [Jan. 

incked, from our study of the work, we are not certain that we 
ought not to go further, and say that the false statements on 
matters of fact probably greatly outnimiber those that are 
true. Perhaps some instances of this should be given at once. 
On page 10 we read the following amazing sentence : " The 
Old Testament itself, as is wdl known, does not directly at- 
tribute to Moses the literary authorship of even a majority of 
its laws." This statement is of course false on the face of it : 
so Dr. Kent pauses to the extent of a semicolon, and then pro- 
ceeds to contradict it thus : " the passages that place them in 
his mouth belong to the later editorial framework of the 
legal books." Now, first, " the later editorial framework," if 
any, is part of the Old Testament ; but, secondly, it is not true 
that the passages in question all belong to what Dr. Kent re- 
gards as " later editorial framework." Take, for instance, 
Deuteronomy xii. Such passages as " to the place which the 
Lord your God shall choose out of all your tribes,'* etc., " for 
ye are not as yet come to the rest and to the inheritance," 
*' thither shall ye bring all that I conwna/nd you," and so on, 
indicate the literary authorship attributed as clearly as possible. 
And Dr. Kent himself says as much a few pages later when 
treating of Deuteronc«ny. " The whole," he writes (pp. 31- 
32), "is presented in the form of a farewell address in the 
mouth of Moses. In him, as their first great representative, 
the prophets are made to rise above the temporal and local 
conditions that called them forth, and to proclaim, with divine 
authority and in specific terms, the principles, humane, 
political, social, ethical and religious that underlay all their 
teachings." This, being interpreted, means that, in the view* 
taken by Dr. Kent on these particular pages, all the laws of 
Deuteronomy and most of the rest of the book are attributed 
to Moses — albeit by a literary forgery. Or turn to Numbers 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents:' 99 

XXXV. and read the provisions contained therein. Phrase 
after phrase is intelligible only on the hypothesis that the 
children of Israel have not yet entered the land of promise. 
Nor does Dr. Kent attempt to dispute these facts. He prints 
these passages and others like them without any attempt to 
suggest that the innumerable phrases in question are not 
integral portions of the laws as originally drafted. 

Here is another instance of Dr. Kent's statements of fact. 
According to the Law (Lev. xxiii. 34; Num. xxix. 12), 
the first day of Tabernacles falls on the fifteenth day of the 
seventh month. Now, in common with the rest of his school. 
Dr. Kent makes these passages late, and wishes it to be be- 
lieved that during the earlier period the date was not fixed. 
Unfortunately for him there is a passage in the first book of 
Kings which disposes of this theory. "Jeroboam," we read, 
" ordained a feast in the eighth month, en the fifteenth day of 
the npcnth, like unto the feast that is in Judah .... and he 
went up unto the altar which he had made in Bethel on the 
fifteenth day in the eighth month, even in the month which he 
had devised of his own heart" (1 Kings xii. 32-33). The 
meaning is not obscure. Jeroboam held his feast on the right 
day of the month, but " in the month which he had devised of 
his own heart," i. e. precisely one month later than the then 
date of the feast in Judah. How does Dr. Kent deal with 
this ? On page 261 he writes of Tabernacles : " Its date is 

left indeterminate in the pre-exilic codes In 1 Kings xii. 

32 it is stated that Jeroboam arranged that this feast should be 
observed in Northern Israel in the eighth instead of the 
seventh month, as was the custom in Judah." The exact date 
in 1 Kings (fifteenth day), it will be observed, is here ignored. 
On the next page (262), under the heading "The Sacred 
Calendar of the Post-exilic Hierarchy," we are told of the great 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

100 " Israel's Larivs and Legal Precedents" [Jan. 

festivals that "exact dates were now^ fixed for each," 
the passage in Kings having been forgotten. On page 272 
we get yet another account— or rather two other accounts 
— ^in a delightfully self-contradictory sentence. "Ezddel 
was the first to fix the feast of tabernacles on the fifteenth of 
the seventh month, xlv. 26, although the reference in 1 
Kings xii. 32, if it is pre-exilic, would indicate that this date 
was already established in Judah." How Ezekiel could be 
the first to fix a date if it had been akeady established is not 
explained. Nor are we told how, if Ezekiel had been the first 
to fix a date which was already established, it was possible 
later for a post-exilic writer fu>iv, i. e., apparently, for the first 
time, to fix this exact date. As to the suggestion — if Dr. Kent 
really intends it — ^that 1 Kings xii. is not pre-exilic, it should 
be noticed what this implies. It means that somebody deliber- 
ately invented the whole story about Jeroboam's festival, well 
knowing that there was not a word of truth in it. It need 
scarcely be added that there is not a particle of foundation for 
any such position. 

Some more instances may be taken from Dr. Kent's other re- 
marks about Tabernacles on page 261: "At first it was 
apparently celebrated for only a day or two and at the local 
sanctuaries, cf. Judg. xxi. 19, 1 Sam. i. 3; but the Deutero- 
nomic lawgivers extended it to a week and transferred it to the 
temple at Jerusalem. . . . Thus Solomon chose it for the dedi- 
cation of his temple, 1 Kings viii. 2, 66." This passage con- 
tains moct than one blunder. In the first place, "the local 
sanctuaries " is due to Dr. Kent's inability to distinguish be- 
tween an altar and the House of the Lord. Both his refer- 
ences (Judges xxi. 19 ; 1 Sam. i. 3) are to Shiloh, the House 
where the Ark was situated, which, at the dates to which he 

*Oiir Itallca. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] " Israel's Lams and Legal Precedents:' 101 

refers, was the religious capital of Israel. Secondly, when Dr. 
Kent says that Tabernacles "was apparently celebrated for 
only a day or two," he really means that there is no evidence 
at all to justify this idea, but that it is what he chooses to be- 
lieve. Thirdly, when he writes that the Deuteronomic law- 
givers extended it to a week, he is contradicting his own 
reference to 1 Kings viii. 66, which runs as follows: "So 
Solomon held the feast at that time, and all Israel with him, 
a great congregation from the entering in of Hamath unto the 
brook of Egypt, before the Lord our God, seven days and 
seven days, even fourteen days," The extra days were due 
to the dedication, but it is abundantly clear that there was no 
room for anybody who lived after Solomon to extend the 
festival to seven days. And, fourthly, this chapter of Kings 
proves that a transfer to the Temple at Jerusalem would have 
been equally impossible for a lawgiver who lived subsequently 
to Solomon, inasmuch as in his days the festival was already 
celebrated there by all Israel "from the entering in of 
Hamath unto the brook of Egypt." 

These examples have been taken almost at random, and 
could be multiplied indefinitely; but so many instances of Dr. 
Kent's unreliability in matters of fact will come before us in 
the course of this article that it is unnecessary to insist upon it 
further at this moment. We proceed to consider some of his 
other characteristics. 

In the appendix at the end of the book there is something 
which Dr. Kent calls a "Selected Bibliography." The 
principles (if any) of the selection are not at all clear, but it 
is not with this matter that we would deal. One portion of 
the bibliography is headed "Other Ancient Codes." Now 
nobody who has any acquaintance with, for example, the 
Roman law, to which a number of the items in Dr. Kent's 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

102 " Israel's Lams and Legal Precedents." [Jan. 

bibliography relate, could believe, after reading his book, that 
he has studied these works. At one time we were of opinion 
that he might perhaps be acquainted with their covers : but a 
curious blunder affords some evidence that in one instance, at 
any rate, Dr. Kent has penetrated a portion of the title-page. 
There is an excellent edition of Justinian's Institutes, by 
Dr. Moyle, and Dr. Kent desired to include this in his 
" Selected Bibliography." The date he gives is 1890, which, 
though he does not say so, is the date of the second edition of 
the book. Our own copy belongs to the third edition, and the 
only copy of the second edition we have been able to consult is 
no longer in its original cover. But it is not likely that in a 
point of this kind there is any difference between the different 
editions. Now, on the cover, the third edition bears the legend 
"Imperatoris Justiniani Institution^^' but, the title-page has 
the fuller inscription " Imperatoris Justiniani Institutionwm 
Libri Quattuor/' Dr. Kent, who either knows no Latin or else 
handles the language with the recklessness that characterizes 
his biblical work, appears to have looked at the title-page, and, 
finding the first three words of the title in larger type than the 
rest, seems to have thought them an adequate designation of 
the book. Accordingly he prints " Imperatoris Justiniani In- 
stitutionum," a genitivus pendens, which is neither Latin nor 

However, whether or not that be the correct account of the 
appearance of this remarkable title in the " Selected Bibliog- 
raphy," we must point out that, corresponding to this portion 
"Other Ancient Codes," there are a number of sentences 
scattered about the book in which Dr. Kent appears to assume 
an acquaintance with legal literature which he does not 
possess. Thus he writes (Preface, p. vi) : "Nowhere in all 
legal literature can the genesis and growth of primitive law 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] " Israers Lctm and Legal Precedents:' 103 

be traced so clearly as in Israel's codes thus restored." If and 
in so far as this may be intended to be a statement of fact, it is 
untrue, and would have been seen by Dr. Kent to be 
untrue had he taken the trouble to acquire some acquaintance 
with the literature relating to ancient law : if and in so far as 
it may be intended as an expression of opinion, it is unsound, 
and would have been recognized by the Doctor as unsound in 
the like event : if and in so far as it is intended to be a mere 
puff, comparable to the commendations that auctioneers be- 
stow on the goods they sell, it is out of place in a book that 
should be scientific. In any case it inevitably produces a pain- 
ful impression, which is deepened by such sentences as that 
which follows the one we have just quoted: "They [i.e. 
Israel's codes thus restored] also represent the most important 
comer-stones of our modem English laws and institutions and 
therefore challenge and richly reward the study of all legal and 
historical students." What exactly Dr. Kent may intend to 
convey when he calls something the comer-stone of a law or 
institution, we cannot pretend to know : but from his remark 
about all legal and historical students he apparently means 
that English law is in some way founded on the Hebrew codes. 
If this be his meaning, the statement is utterly false. The in- 
fluence of the Pentateuchal legislation on EngUsh laws and 
institutions has been exceedingly slight. 

Again, on page 12, we read : " In the light of these studies, 
and of analogies among other kindred peoples, it is thus 
possible to trace definitely the processes by which Israel's indi- 
vidual laws came into being." This sentence is almost tme 
if it be read in the opposite sense to that intended by Dr. Kent. 
It is, in fact, the case that, in the light of legal studies and by 
the help of the comparative method, it is possible to go a long 
way towards tracing the origin and growth of Israelitish law : 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

104 " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents." [Jan. 

but that origin and growth are entirely different from what 
Dr. Kent conceives them to have been. In point of fact, legal 
studies render the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuchat 
legislcttion matter of scientific certainty. A very good instance 
of the way in which the growth of the law is made plain by 
comparative legal studits is to be found in the law of homicide, 
and accordingly we shall deal with this in some detail later on ; 
but for the moment we would draw attention to another re- 
sult of Dr. Kent's lack of legal knowledge. It constantly 
happens that he fails to detect passages that are of importance 
in legal history. The plan of his book is to collect the relevant 
materials on each separate legal topic, but it is astonishing how 
seldom he succeeds in doing so. He deals with murder, but 
he omits the case of Cain, with its important instance of out- 
lawry as the punishment ; with rape, but Dinah and the blood 
feud, so well attested all the world over, may be sought in 
vain; with adultery, and he leaves out all the instances in 
Genesis; with theft, but Rachel's action and Benjamin's 
alleged offense have never occurred to him; with tithes, but 
he says nothing. of Genesis xxviii. 22; with the instruction of 
children, but be does not notice Exodus xiii. 8, 14, 15 — ^and so 
on almost ad infinitum. 

After what has been said it will occasion no surprise if we 
add that, on reading the book, we have been led to think that 
in many cases Dr. Kent had not the vaguest understanding of 
the laws on which he professed to be ccMnmenting. This is the 
more obvious as, for some obscure reason, he has often printed 
his own paraphrase in the text in preference to a translation. 
Thus, on page 90, we find Leviticus v. 1 rendered as follows : 
" If any one sin when under oath as a witness by failing to 
give information concerning what he hath seen or known," 
etc. This is not a translation, nor does even Dr. Kent think 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents:* 106 

that it IS, for he explains in his note that the literal meaning is 
" and heareth the voice of the oath, and is a witness whether 
he hath seen or known, if he do not give information," etc. 
To the present writer even this " literal " translation does not 
appear very satisfactory, for the word "oath'' is inadequate, 
as a rendering of the Hebrew and the text means the voice of 
an " oath " (if that term be used) : but it must be observed that 
the paraphrase entirely begs the question of the meaning of the 
text. There is an instance of an adjuration or curse — ^the verb 
corresponding to the Hebrew word Dr. Kent here translates 
" oath " is used — ^in Judges xvii. If, in that case, Micah had 
not confessed immediately, he would apparently have been 
within the language of Leviticus v. 1 ; but nobody could gfuess 
that from Dr. Kent's " translation," which, moreover, has the 
additional demerit of begging the further question whether 
witnesses were originally put on oath. 

Another example of Dr. Kent's methods is to be found on 
page 174, where he renders Deuteronomy xvii. 8 thus: "If 
a case involving bloodshed or conflicting claims, or the plague 
of leprosy — subjects of dispute within thine own city — ^be too 
difficult for thee to decide " ; and in his note he admits that 
the Hebrew means : " If there arise a case too hard for thee in 
judgment, between blood and blood, between plea and plea, 
and between stroke and stroke." This is the more extra- 
ordinary, since, on page 88, he prints another version of the 
same text, which means something totally different from the 
rendering on page 174. It runs: "If a question involve 
bloodshed or conflicting claims, or the plague of leprosy, — 
questions of controversy within thy dty too difficult for thee 
to decide, — ^then," etc. This means that no question involving 
any of the matters specified, however simple it might be, could 
be decided locally, and is as inccMnpatible with his other trans- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

106 " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents" [Jan. 

lation as with the Hebrew text. In neither place does he offer 
any explanation whatever of the grounds for his paraphrase, 
including the strange reference to leprosy : though, on page 88, 
in dealing with the literal rendering, he speaks of "a stroke, 
like a plagfuc, especially leprosy," — ^whatever that may mean. 

Perhaps this is a convenient place for mentioning another of 
Dr. Kent's extraordinary views. For Exodus xxxiii. 6 we 
read (p. 151) : " So the Israelites despoiled themselves of their 
ornaments from Mount Horeb onward, and with these Moses 
made a tent." It is a pity that Dr. Kent did not think fit to 
inform us by what process of alchemy Moses converted the 
ornaments into materials of which a tent could be constructed. 

We shall notice but one more of Dr. Kent's strange charac- 
teristics — his neglect of those scholars with whom he does not 
agree. This by no means exhausts the list of his disqualifica- 
tions : but their enumeration grows tedious. We are concerned 
to prove that his book is a masterpiece of worthlessness ; but, 
once we have done that, the reasons for his incompetence are 
relatively unimportant, and accordingly we shall pass on at 
once to the task of dealing with the book in detail: yet it 
would be wrong not to call attention to the most glaring in- 
stance of his prejudice in this respect. There is, among 
modem students of the Pentateuch, one writer whose abilities 
place him far above the Wellhausens and the Kuenens, the 
Robertson Smiths and the Drivers — Professor A. Van 
Hoonacker of Louvain. This scholar has contributed two very 
important monographs on some of the subjects with which Dr. 
Kent has attempted to deal. They are : " Le Lieu du Culte dans 
la Legislation rituelle des Hebreux " (1894), and "La Sacer- 
doce levitique dans la Loi et dans L'Histoire des Hebreux" 
(1900). We cannot find that Dr. Kent so much as claims to 
have heard of the earlier work, a careful study of which might 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents." 107 

have saved him from many bad blunders. The second he 
mentions in his " Selected Bibliography " : but he does not say 
that he has even looked inside the bode. We have failed to find 
any references to it even in those portions of his work where we 
should most expect them : and, in view of his behavior with re- 
gard to legal literature, the presence of a name in his 
"Selected Bibliography" cannot be held to raise any pre- 
sumption that Dr. Kent is acquainted with the contents of the 

Dr. Kent's volume is composed of introduction, annotated 
texts, and appendices. The rest of this article will be devoted, 
first, to dealing with the annotated texts; and, secondly, to 
some remarks on some of the general questions raised by the 
introduction. As the constant exposure of blunders grows 
wearisome, the course adopted will be to deal in some detail 
with the first division, which is headed " Personal and Family 
Laws" (omitting, however, minor blunders), and then to make 
a selection of important blunders from the rest of the book. 

On page 61, " Israel's primitive laws," we read, " contain no 
references to the king or state or even to judges." How has Dr. 
Kent enabled himself to make this statement? (1) He has 
altered Exodus xxi. 22, to omit the reference to the judges 
(p. 117). (2) He has ignored Exodus xxii. 28b, which he 
translates (p. 79) : " Thou shalt not curse a ruler of thy peo- 
ple," adding a note that " Evidently in the mind of the primi- 
tive lawgiver the civil rulers are regarded as the earthly 
representatives of the divine King." It is difiicult to under- 
stand how he would reconcile a reference to civil rulers with 
the statement that there is ijo reference to the state. (3) He 
has ignored Exodus xviii. 13 ff., which, on page 86, he heads 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

108 " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents.*' [Jan. 

" Primitive Codes," and presumably attributes to the author 
or authors of " Israel's primitive laws." (4) In Exodus xxi. 
6 he translates Elohim by " God," and referS it to " the family 
gods or penates placed in early times beside the door " (p. 62) ! 
and (5) in Exodus xxii. 7 (8) he again renders Elohim 
by " God," and explains it of the sacred oracle used by a priest 
at "one of the sanctuaries" (p. 69). With regard to these 
two latter points we would venture to quote what we have 
said elsewhere in reference to Exodus xxi. 

"The first remark which occurs is that, whatever may have been 
the origin of the Pentateuch, this law at present stands in a book that 
admittedly prohibits both images and the worship of all powers save 
One, and was placed and retained in its present position by a man or 
men who believed absolutely in those two doctrines. If this law is Mo- 
saic — and the evidence for the authenticity of the whole of the Mosaic 
legislation is overwhelming — cadit quaestio. But on the critical as- 
sumption the case is not less strong : for it must be remembered that 
all the supposititious editors who dealt with this passage were mono- 
theists, and had absolutely no scruples about garbling or cutting out 
anything they disliked. It follows that they, at any rate, did not take 
this view of the meaning. 

" Secondly, the word Elohim occurs elsewhere in a legal passage 
(Ex. xxii. 7 and 8 (B. V. 8 and 9)). Does Mr. Addis believe that 
certain cases of theft were tried by the spirit of the doorpost? 
Kautzsch alleges that in this passage and in 1 Sam. ii. 25 Elohim 
* has no other sense than that of " Deity." * We shall deal with the 
passage from Samuel immediately, but does this writer believe that 
God tried cases of theft either in Person or by means of an image? 
And If so, what was the procedure? 

" Thirdly, this theory involves making Ell say to his sons (1 Sam. 
IL 25) : ' If a man trespass against a man, the E^irit of a doorpost 
[or, according to Kautzsch, "God" — Hebrew Elohim] shall judge 
him ; but if a man trespass against the Lojeld, who shall intercede for 
him?' It is true that one critic,— the late Dr. Kuenen,— with char- 
acteristic indifference to the known facts, wished to translate Elohim 
in this passage by * God,' ^ and understand it of the oracles of the 
various sanctuaries'; but (a) this rests on the confusion implied 
to the word 'sanctuaries,' (6) we know that the great majority of 

» Religion of Israel, E. T., vol. IL p. 84. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] "Israel's Lam and Legal Precedents:^ 109 

eases were, in fact, tried by tlie elders,* and (c) justice was adminis- 
tered in tbe gates" (Notes on Hebrew Religion, pp. 24-25). 

Sect. 1. Honor and Obedience Due Parents. — Dr. Kent 
here sets out Ex. xxi. 15, 17 ; Deut. v. 16 ; xxi. 18-21 ; xxvii. 
16 ; Lev. xix. 3a ; xx. 9, and in his note he writes : " Semitic 
law never went as far as the Roman, which gave to the father 
absolute power of life and death over his children." In point 
of fact, we meet with the absolute power of life and death more 
than once in the book of Genesis. The case of Abraham and 
Isaac may be set aside, for it may perhaps be argued that the 
divine command makes it impossible to generalize from that 
case, but there are other instances. The strongest is Reuben's 
"Slay my two sons, if I bring him not to thee" (xlii. 37). 
This power apparently extended over cUl members of the 
household. Thus Judah without any trial orders that Tamar 
shall be burnt (xxxviii. 24), and Jacob says to Laban, "With 
whomsoever thou findest thy gods, he shall not live " (xxxi. 
32). Dr. Kent ignores all these passages. Parallels to this 
are to be found in abundance all the world over. (See Post 
Grundriss der ethnologischen Jurisprudenz, vol. i. pp. 170- 
173 ; ii. 135.) In Israel, as elsewhere, the course of legal his- 

^Knenen (op. cit, vol. ii. p. 83) supposes that some exceptional cases 
were outside the jurisdiction of the ordinary judge, and accounts 
In this way for ESxodus zxii., but this breaks down when applied to 
Bli*s speech. It is untrue that all transgressions against men, how- 
ever serious, were judged by the priest Nor does Eli's speech in any 
way suggest exceptional circumstances. In point of fact, the ordi- 
nary criminal justice of the country was not administered either by 
**Qc6^** or an image, or an oracle, or even the spirit of a doorpost 
For example, we have an account of the trial of one Naboth (1 Kings 
xxL), which has not received the attention it deserves. The account 
is also valuable because it shows the Deuteronomic law of evidence 
(two witnesses) and the Levitical law of blasphemy in operation be- 
fore the dates to which Deuteronomy and Leviticus are assigned by 
the critics. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

110 " Israel's Lcnvs and Legal Precedents** [Jan. 

tory ran parallel to the development of the Roman rule, as to 
which see Moyle on Justinian Institutes, bk. i. tit. 9. It is 
clear that in the days of Moses the paternal power had to some 
extent undergone limitation by custom, for Exodus xxi. 16 
and 17, as well as Deuteronomy xxi. 18-21 and Leviticus xx. 
9, imply that the death penalty was executed in the case of 
offenses against the parents only after trial before the or- 
dinary courts, and not in the exercise of domestic jurisdiction. 
On the other hand, the custom of sacrificing children appears 
to have endured to a late period (see, e. g., Jer. xix. 5), with- 
out being subjected to the jurisdiction of the courts. 

Sect. 3. Relatives betwieen whom Marriage is Illegitimate. 
— ^This need not be discussed in detail ; but it should be noticed 
that Dr. Kent omits all reference to the case of Reuben (Gen. 
XXXV. 22; xlix. 4). 

Sect. 4. Marriage with a Captive, Deut. xxi. 10-14. — Dr. 
Kent here writes : " The Babylonian law also made the same 
provisions regarding female slaves, if they had borne children 
to the master." His reference is to Hammurabi, sect. 137. In 
point of fact, the provisions are different, and the cases to 
which they apply are also different. Deuteronomy deals with 
a captive, Hammurabi with a woman who has brought a mar- 
riage portion, and who therefore cannot have been a captive in 
war. Deuteronomy provides that her husband is to let her go 
free if he has no delight in her, whilst Hammurabi only con- 
templates the case of a woman who has borne children, and 
enacts that until they are grown up she is not to be free to go 
where she will. There are also other differences, but enough 
has been said to show that there is no justification at all for 
Dr. Kent's statement. 

Sect. 7. Marriage after Seduction, Ex. xxii. 15 (16) ; Deut. 
xxii. 28. — ^We have here a very bad mistake: Deuteronomy 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] " IsraeVs Laws and Legal Precedents:* 111 

deals with a form of rape, Exodus with seduction: but Dr. 
Kent has confused the two here and again in sect. 87. (See, 
further, Studies in Biblical Law, pp. 23-25.) 

Sect. 12. Rights of Hired Sen/ants, — ^Exodus xii. 45 and 
Leviticus xxv. 40 are here omitted without explanation. 

Sects. 13-21. — ^A group of sections relating to slaves. It 
will be convenient here simply to point out the main blunders 
and give references, as they have mostly been exposed time 
after time. (1) Dr. Kent is wholly unable to distinguish be- 
tween a slave and an insolvent freeman falling into bondage 
through poverty. (See Studies in Biblical Law, pp. 5-11.) 
(2) As before mentioned. Dr. Kent mistranslates Elohim in 
Exodus xxi. 6 as "God." (3) He is also quite ignorant of 
the numerous ways in which slavery originated in Hebrew 
antiquity (and indeed in almost all early communities),^ and 
omits the passages in Genesis that bear on the subject. (4) 
He fiuther omits irom his discussion of the religious position 
of slaves the fundamental commands of Genesis xvii. 12-14. 

Sect 22. Rights and Duties of Resident Aliens, — Num- 
bers XXXV. 16 and Leviticus xxiv. 10-23 (which latter is 
legally by far the most interesting and important of the pas- 
sages relating to aliens) are omitted without a word of ex- 
planation. (See Studies in Biblical Law, pp. 84-94.) It is clear 
from sect. 62 that Dr. Kent has not the slightest comprehension 
of the case of Shelomith's son in Leviticus xxiv. 

Sect 27. Conveyance of Real Property. — ^Dr. Kent writes : 
"There is no evidence that, in the long period preceding 
Nehemiah, the law of the year of jubilee, which provided that 
all land should revert to its hereditary owners, was known; 
and the proof that it was not in force is conclusive." The 

^ Birth, crime, insolvencyy kidnapping, capture— or slayes could be 
acquired from others by purchase or gift 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

112 " Israel's Lm}s and Legal Precedents" [Jan. 

proof that it was known is contained in Ezekiel vii. 12, 13; 
xlvi. 16-17, and an examination of these passages shows that 
it was in force. (See, further, Studies in Biblical Law, pp. 
94-99; Churchman,^ May, 1906, pp. 282-293.) Dr. Kent's 
statements are the more remarkable as, on pages 132-133, he 
contradicts what he has here written : " The earliest allusion, 
however, in the O. T. to any such institution, is found in Ezek. 
xlvi. 17, where land given by the prince is to revert to him in 
the year \of release. Whether the prophet refers to an already 
established institution or possibly here gives a suggestion 
which was later developed into the law of the year of jubilee 
cannot be definitely determined. On the whole, the exile, with 
its changed conditions, inspiring new regulations and experi- 
ments, as Ezekiel's elaborate program testifies, appears to 
furnish the background and date of the law of the year of 
jubilee." This is rather strange after the " no evidence " and 
"conclusive proof" of the earlier passage. 

Sect. 30. The Law of Primogeniture, — Dr. Kent begins 
with Deuteronomy xxi. 15-17, but omits to notice the classical 
instance of the first-bom son of a less loved wife being post- 
poned to the son of the better loved wife (Gen. xlviii. 22; 
xlix. 4; 1 Chron. v. 1-2), where, however, there was other 
justification. He also leaves out the other passage in Genesis 
(xxv. 5, 6) which, together with these texts, g^ves us the 
historical background of this law, showing that among the 
ancient Hebrews the father had some power of disposing of 
his goods among his children in his lifetime in such a way as 
to prevent equality. Then he proceeds to write: "This law 
was disregarded by David, who appointed Solomon as his 
successor, even though he was not his oldest son, 1 Kings i. 

* The Churchman, edited by the Rev. W. H. Griffith Thomas, D.D. 
London : EllioU Stock. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] "Israel's Lcaws and Legal Precedents:' 113 

11-13." We have here a confusion between sovereignty and 
succession to movable property. The law of course had no 
reference at all to the former. 

Sect. 31. Rights of Daughters to Inherit. — ^Dr. Kent here 
asserts: "It was only in the latest period of O. T. history 
that daughters were recognized as legal heirs." (For proof 
that this law is Mosaic, see Studies in Biblical Law, pp. 98- 
99 ; Churchman, May, 1906, pp. 28^-289.) On the preced- 
ing page Dr. Kent writes : " In the earlier times the property 
passed to the male heirs, and upon them devolved the obliga- 
tion to support the mother and the unmarried sisters. If there 
were no sons, the father's brothers assumed the duties of 
parents and inherited the property of the deceased." This is 
pure fiction. The earliest evidence is to the effect that in de- 
fault of sons a slave could inherit, to the exclusion of the 
collateral relations (Gen, xv. 2-4). 

This completes our survey of the main blunders made by 
Dr. Kent in his first division (pp. 51-74). We have here 
dealt with this simply because it stood first. The other 
divisions are equally bad. We proceed to deal with some 
other topics. 

The divisictti of booty has provided Dr. Kent with an oppor- 
tunity to display his inability to discriminate between different 
sets of facts. On page 12 he writes : '^ In 1 Samuel xxx. 24, 
25, for instance, there is a most instructive example showing 
that the law regarding the distribution of booty, which Num- 
bers xxxi. 27 attributes to Moses, first arose as the result of 
a decision given by David after an expedition against the 
Amalekites." The facts^ — ^and consequently the decisions — in 
the two cases are wholly dissimilar. In Samuel the question 
was whether men who had started on an expedition but had 
been overcome by exhaustion on the road were entitled to 
Vol. LXV. No. 257. 8 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

114 " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents'' [Jan. 

share in the spoils. David determined that they were; and 
accordingly they shared equally with the others, each man 
receiving the same benefit whether he had been compelled to 
stay behind or not. In Numbers a division is ordered not be- 
tween various portions of the expeditionary force, but between 
that force on the one hand and the congregation on the other. 
The booty is to be divided into two halves : and it is obvious 
that each of the members of the congregation would as a re- 
sult receive a very different quantity from that which fell to 
each member of the fighting force. So that in reality we have 
different facts giving rise to different rules and consequently 
to different results. There is really nothing technical about 
the matter: and any clear-headed layman who had taken the 
trouble to read the relevant passages carefully must have 
avoided Dr. Kent's blunder. 

On pages 149-150 Dr. Kent repeats once more some of 
the blunders about the Ark that we have recently exposed 
elsewhere (see Notes on Hebrew Religion, pp. 28-31), and 
we shall therefore not linger on this topic, except to point out 
that Dr. Kent alters the biblical text without so much as 
hinting that he has done so ; for in Numbers x. 33 he omits the 
expression " the covenant of," and does not even say that this 
is present in the original. 

We now come to a group of questions relating to places of 
sacrifice that we would gladly pass over, because we have so 
often exposed the blunders of the Wellhausen school in this 
respect : but recent correspondence with an eminent critic has 
satisfied us that it is still necessary to emphasize and elaborate 
the true position in regard to these matters. 

1. On page 211 Dr. Kent writes : " Until the Deuteronomic 
code was promulgated, apparently every animal killed for food 
was slaughtered at some local sanctuary" (cf. p. 213). This 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] " Israers Lm^s and Legal Precedents:' 115 

is untrue. Non-sacrificial slaughter is mentioned or con- 
templated in each of the following passages: Gen. xviii. 7; 
xxvii. 9-14; xliii. 16; Ex. xxi. 37 (xxii. 1) ; 1 Sam. xxv. 11; 
xxviii. 24; 1 Kings xix. 21. Moreover, in Judges vi. 19, 
Gideon " made ready a kid." This, together with some broth 
(and other gifts), was subsequently burnt as a sacrifice. Had 
it been true that all slaughter was at that time sacrificial, both 
the kid and the animal from which the broth was made must 
have been sacrificed twice over, once when they were killed 
and. once when they were consumed by fire. 

2. Dr. Kent entirely misunderstands Exodus xx. 24 (p. 
158). He believes that it refers to " every place where I cause 
My Name to be remembered," and interprets this as referring 
to " sacred places," where God " had revealed Himself." The 
historical instances prove beyond all possibility of doubt that 
this is wrong. There is no revelation in 1 Samuel xiv. 33-35 
(Saul's altar after Michmash). The house of Jesse had a 
family sacrifice (1 Sam. xx. 6, etc.). This involves the use 
of an altar, but again no special revelation can be suggested. 
And the same remark applies to Adonijah's stone (1 Kings i. 
9) and Naaman's earth (2 Kings v. 17). The law clearly 
authorizes lay sacrifice for certain limited purposes at altars 
(not houses) of earth or stone in " all the place where I cause 
My Name to be remembered," i. e. (after the desert age) in 
the land of Canaan.^ 

^ The Hebrew is usually translated " in every place/' but may at 
least equally well be rendered "in all the place." (See, for a lln- 
Saistic dlBcnssion, S. Leathes, The Law in the Prophets, pp. 290-292.) 
That this was the meaning attached to the law in pre-exilic times 
appears clearly from Naaman's requiring Canaanitiah earth to be able 
to sacrifice to €k>d (2 Kings v. 17) (a passage that also proves that 
a plurality of lay altars on Canaanitlsh soil was regarded as lawful 
by Elisha). So, too, 1 Samuel xxvl. 19, " Go, serve other gods," shows 
that it was held that sacrifice could be performed to Israel's God only 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

116 " Israel's Lcnvs and Legal Precedents^ [Jan. 

3. Dr. Kent of course omits the passages which prove that 
side by side with these lay altars the legislator of Exodus 
recognized a House of the Lord whither all Israel were to re- 
pair three times a year : " Thou shalt observe the feast of weeks, 
of the bikkurim [a kind of first-fruits] of wheat harvest. 
. . . The first of the bikkurim of thy ground thou shalt bring 
into the House of the Lord thy God " ( Ex. xxxiv.) . ". . . and 
the feast of harvest, the bikkurim of thy labours, of that which 
thou sowest in the field. . . . The first of the bikkurim of thy 
ground thou shalt bring into the House of the Lord thy God " 
(Ex. xxiii.). It is abundantly clear that if bikkurim are 
offered at the House and on the feast of weeks, the feast of 
weeks must have been celebrated at the House. Further, these 
texts are coupled with commands that all males shall appear 
before God three times in the year, and weeks was one of the 
three. It follows that the other two " appearances " must have 
been similar to the " appearance " on weeks, and must there- 
fore have taken place at the House. 

4. Dr. Kent has never realized that the plurality of lay 
altars sanctioned by Exodus is further recognized in Deuter- 
onomy xvi. 21. 

These remarks completely dispose of the whole of Dr. 
Kent's ideas about " sanctuaries " ; and, as the blunders have 
already been exposed so frequently and in so much detail, we 
need not linger : but in passing from the subject we may notice 
one omission of some importance. The lay altars were entirely 
different in materials, form, and appearance from the altars 
of burnt offering of Tabernacle and Temple or the altars of 
heathen high places. It is only necessary to contrast the data 
as to the latter class with the descriptions of Saul's Michmash 

in his land (cf. Hos. Ix. 4), though, of course, he could be worshiped 
by vow and prayer all the world over (2 Sam. xv. 7-12, etc.). As to 
Isaiah xix., see Studies in Biblical Law, pp. 81-82. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents:' 117 

altar, Elijah's erection on Carmel, and the altars used by Moses, 
Joshua, etc., in order to see this. Now in 1 Kings i. 50; ii. 
28 (i. e. before the erection of the Temple), we find the horns 
of an altar mentioned. This could not have been an altar of 
the lay t)rpe, because a stone or motmd could have no horns. 
Even omitting the testimony of Chronicles, it follows that at 
that date there was before the Ark an altar conforming to the 
type laid down in Exodus xxvii., side by side with the lay 
altars so frequently met with in that period. 

On pages 172 f.. Dr. Kent sketches the origin of the priest- 
hood in Israel, but he quite forgets to notice the passages re- 
lating to Eli. Accordingly we read : " Hebrew history fur- 
nishes many suggestions regarding the origin of the priest- 
hood. ... In time, however, the ceremonial and other 
restrictions placed upon the chief priest of the nation limited 
the free exercise of the kingly functions. Among some early 
peoples the chief ruler was shorn of all real military and civil 
power, and became only the head of the national cult. Other 
kings, like David and Solomon, appointed certain royal priests 
and conferred upon them the priestly functions which original- 
ly belonged to the head of the nation," etc. Even when the 
whole of the supposed priestly sections of the Pentateuch are 
wiped out, it is clear from Samuel that the priesthood was 
older than the monarchy; while Deuteronomy x. 6 and the 
story in Judges xvii. and xviii. prove that, long before the 
monarchy came into existence, the priestly character of the 
house of Aaron and of the Levites was well recognized. But 
there appears to be another confusion in Dr. Kent's mind, 
which has probably something to do with his theories of the 
priestly origin. He apparently believes that the individual 
sacrifices were slain by priests in the supposititious priestly 
code. Thus he writes (p. 174) : " The story of the young 

Digitized by VjOC)QIC 

118 " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents:' [Jan. 

Levite, who was employed by Micah the Ephraimite, Judg. 
xvii. 18, as well as the references in 1 Sam. to the activity of 
Eli and his sons, would seem to indicate that originally the 
sons of Levi were simply the guardians of the sacred objects 
like the Ark and the Urim and Thummim and, later, of the 
local shrines; and that the sacrifices were slain by the indi- 
vidual offerers," etc. He need go no further than the fifth 
verse of Leviticus i. to discover that the sacrifices were slain 
by the individual offerers even in " P." 

Sect. 150w — ^Dr. Kent here prints Deuteronomy xviii. la and 
2 under the misleading title " Prohibition against the Levites 
Holding Property." He of course omits " the patrimony " of 
xviii. 8, which proves that this view of the passage is impossi- 
ble, and proceeds to add the following: "This law was 
doubtless intended to anticipate exactions by the priestly 
judges and to prevent the alienation of temple property for 
private ends." There are many reasons why this is impossible : 
but, in addition to the reference just given, it will be sufficient 
to point out that the passage in no wise prohibits the acquisi- 
tion — or the alienation — of any form of property, movable or 
immovable, by the Levites. It is, however, characteristic that 
in the very next section Dr. Kent prints xviii. 8, and admits 
that it implies family possessions. 

Object of Cities of Refuge, sect. 53, and Murder, sect. 83. 
— On this topic the biblical information is fairly complete, and 
it is possible to trace the history of the law in the light of the 
comparative material. The first stage known to us is pre- 
sented by the history of Cain, which Dr. Kent does not notice. 
This presents us with an institution found in many ancient 
societies — the Roman sacratio capitis, and see Post Grundriss, 
vol. i. pp. 163 ff., 352 fl., on Friedloslegung. The offender is 
expelled from the tribal community, and left to wander over 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] " Israels Laws and Legal Precedents:' 119 

the earth a vagabond liable to death at the hands of any who 
may meet him. Next comes Genesis ix. 6, laying down the law 
of blood revenge. But it must be observed that in this passage 
no distinction is made between various forms of homicide. 
All taking of human life pardonable or unpardonable falls 
within the terms of the verse. (Cf. Post Grundriss, vol. i. pp. 
237f.; vol. ii. p. 333.) 

The next stage is one of singular human interest, for it 
stands in close relation to an incident in the life of the gjeat 
lawgiver. Moses once slew a man, not in enmity or having 
lain in wait. God appointed him a place whither he might flee 
and live, and there he remained until the death of Pharaoh. 
All this is very vividly mirrored in the Mosaic law of homi- 
cide. A distinction is for the first time drawn between wilful 
murtler and manslaughter, and places are appointed for the 
protection of those who had committed the latter offense, 
while the role of Pharaoh is assigned to the chief hereditary 
office-bearer of the Mosaic theocracy — the high priest. Similar 
institutions meet us elsewhere, but it would fall beyond the 
scope of this article to discuss them, or to point out the states- 
manship with which the provisions of this law are nicely ad- 
justed to fit in with, and yet neutralize, the prevailing senti- 
ment of blood revenge. But attention must be drawn to the 
terms in which the distinction is laid down. Being entirely new, 
the principle of tfviding homicide could only be made clear 
to the people with difficulty. The human mind, especially in 
early times, apprehends the concrete far more readily than the 
abstract. Hence, as in other archaic legislations, we find a num- 
ber of concrete cases laid down : and this has led a comparative 
jurist like Dareste to express the opinion that Numbers xxxv. 
is the most archaic portion of the Pentateuchal legislation 
(fetudes D'Histoire du Droit, pp. 28-29, note ; cf . p. 23) . To the 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

120 " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents" [Jan. 

present writer this review appears to need swne qualificaticm. 
Thus the extraordinary simile in Deuteronomly xxii. 26 ( a 
ravished maiden compared to a murdered man) shows that it 
was equally difficult for Moses to convey to the mind of his 
people the idea of compulsion as affecting criminal liability; 
but undoubtedly Dareste's view of the passage is in the main 

We must now turn to another feature of the development. 
In archaic law many offenses that are treated in a mature 
system as crimes, i. e. as offenses punishable by the state, are 
viewed from an entirely different standpoint. The desire of 
the early legislator is to restrain and regulate the sentiment of 
revenge, and set bounds to the activities of injured persons who 
strive to exact reparation in ways that are not beneficial to the 
community. In the case of homicide we see that in the Mosaic 
age it was treated as matter for private feud : but side by side 
with this there is another idea growing up. In Numbers xxxv. 
we find it laid down that blood polluteth the land, and the 
Israelites are commanded not to defile the land which they 
inhabit, in the midst of which God dwells. This idea finds 
further expression in Deuteronomy : " Thou shalt put away 
the innocent blood from Israel, that it may go well with thee " 
(xix. 13) ; " Forgive, O Lord, thy people Israel, . . . and 
suffer not imiocent blood [to remain] in the midst of tlvy peo- 
ple Israel. And the blood shall be forgiven them," etc. (xxi. 
8). We have here expressions of the sense that the community 
in its corporate capacity has some responsibility for the preven- 
tion of crime, that murder is no longer merely the affair of the 
deceased's family. And our materials take us yet one step 
further. When the monarchy arose we find that the king, as 
the highest organ of the state, began to feel that it was his 
duty to punish murderers, and that, if he failed in that, blood- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] ''Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents." 121 

guiltiness would rest on him. This idea finds expression in 
David's language in 2 Samuel iii. 28 f. (perhaps, too, in iv. 
1) and xiv. 9, and most clearly in 1 Kings ii. 31-33. 

Now what does Dr. Kent make of all this ? The case of Cain 
he omits, and of course he does not notice the passages from 
Samuel and Kings. He transcribes Genesis ix. 5-6, but ob- 
viously without any comprehension of the meaning: and he 
knows nothing of the growth of the sense of corporate re- 
sponsibility. But he places Genesis ix. 5-6 between Exodus, 
Deuteronomy, and Leviticus on the one hand, and Numbers 
xxxv. on the other. It is only too evident that he has not de- 
voted any thought to the curious doctrines as to the history of 
the law that are involved in sandwiching a passage that does 
not distinguish the various classes of homicide between others 
that do. 

On page 233 Dr. Kent deals with Exodus xxx. 11-16. He 
writes : " According to Neh. x. 33 the annual temple tax con- 
sisted of one-third of a shekel. The present law evidently comes 
from a period later than the great reformation of 400 b. c.'' 
" The present law," it should be observed, contemplates some- 
thing which is neither annual nor a tax. Oil the taking of 
the census — ^which was never an annual performance— each 
Israelite was to give a ransom for his life, " that there be no 
plague among them, when thou numberest them." This idea 
should probably be brought into connection with the narrative 
of David's census (2 Sam. xxiv.), but, whether that be so or 
not, the underlying motive is palpably different from that ex- 
pressed in Nehemiah ; and a ransom paid on a single occasion 
is absolutely unlike an annually recurring payment. 

We shall close this section of the article with a considera- 
tion of Dr. Kent's treatment of the law relating to first-fruits 
(pp. 229-231). 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

122 " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents.'' [Jan. 

The Pentateuch has two different terms, reshith and bik- 
kurim, both of which are usually rendered "first-fruits," 
though in the Revised Version the latter is sometimes trans- 
lated " first-ripe fruits." It has been questioned whether these 
two terms express the same or different things : but when the 
legal evidence is closely examined no doubt is possible. Reshith 
is by far the wider word: it is used of oil, wine, corn, wool, 
fruits of the gfround, honey, leaven, and dough or meal — the 
exact meaning of the Hebrew word is disputed (Num. xviii. 
12; Deut. xviii. 4; xxvi. 2-10; Lev. li. 11-12; Num. xv. 17- 
21). Apparently the fundamental law relating to it is to be 
found in Exodus xxii. 28 (29), which provides that " thy full- 
ness and thy tear thou shalt not delay," rendered by R. V.: 
"Thou shalt not delay [to offer of] the abundance of thy 
fruits and thy liquors." Bikkurim, on the other hand, in the 
Pentateuchal legislation, appears to be confined to things that 
are sown, especially wheat (Ex. xxiii. 16, 19; xxxiv. 22, 26; 
Lev. ii. 14; xxiii. 20). Certainly it is not wide enough to 
satisfy the requirements of Exodus xxii., where the language 
used ("thy fullness and thy tear'') clearly points to liquids 
such as oil and wine. But there are other points of difference. 
In the case of each offering we have one dated ceremony, and 
the dates are seven weeks apart. A sheaf or omer — ^again the 
meaning of the Hebrew is doubtful— of reshith of com was to 
be waved on " the morrow after the sabbath " (Lev. xxiii. 9- 
14), and seven weeks later the feast of weeks was to be cele- 
brated, when bread of bikkurim was offered (Lev. xxiii. 20). 
This is in harmony with the fact that the feast of weeks is 
frequently associated with bikkurim, and is even called "the 
day of the bikkurim" in one place (Num. xxviii. 26). Further, 
even when reshith of cereals was offered, it is clear that the 
method of preparation was different. Thus in Leviticus xxiii. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] ''Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents." 123 

the national offering of reshith consists of cc«"n, but the offer- 
ing of bikkurim takes the form of bread. This distinction re- 
appears in Leviticus ii. 11-16, from which it is clear that in- 
dividual offerings were differently presented, reshith not com- 
ing up on the altar nor being technically a meal-offering, while 
bikkurim of com were presented parched and bruised with oil 
and frankincense, and constituted a meal-offering, part of 
which was burnt as an offering made by fire. 

Dr. Kent, of course, knows nothing of these distinctions, 
and does not appear to have given the matter a moment's 
thought. To him reshith and bikkurim are alike first-fruits, 
and he does not even mention the fact that different words are 
used in the Hebrew. As usual, too, a whole host of important 
passages are omitted from his section on the subject (e. g. Ex. 
xxii. 28 (29) ; Num. xviii. 12, 13; Lev. xxiii. 12-20), while 
he includes Leviticus xix. 24, which has no bearing on first- 
fruits. Further we were led to suspect that Dr. Kent had no 
notion that any of the passages related to national offerings; 
but, as he was silent on the subject, we had no proof till 
we reached page 246, where, in defiance of Leviticus xxiii. 9- 
20, as wtell as Numbers xxviii., xxix. ; 1 Kings xviii. 29; 2 
Kings xvi. 15, and others passages, he calmly writes : " The 
public sacrifices consisted simply of burnt- and sin-offerings, 
with occasional peace-offerings " ! 

The exposure of blunders like these on nearly every page of 
the commentary might be continued almost indefinitely: but 
we apprehend that we have said enough to make cl^ar beyond 
all possibility of doubt the true character of the work before us. 


We cannot attempt in the space at our disposal to deal with 
the introduction in any detail. Nor is this necessary, for it is 
largely based on the blunders expressed in the body of the 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

124 " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents" [Jan. 

volume, and it everywhere displays the boundless incompe- 
tence and recklessness that we have already noticed. To 
illustrate : on page 14 we find Dr. Kent's confusion as to the 
place of sacrifice paraded to prove that the Pentateuchal legis- 
lation is composite. On page 18 we read : " The permission 
to build altars and offer sacrifices at many different places 
(Ex. XX. 24-25) suggests either greater antiquity than even 
Exodus xxxiv. 26, or else the less restricted usage of Northern 
Israel " — a passage that (apart from other faults) is written 
in obvious disregard or oblivion of the fact that Exodus xxiii. 
19 (attributed to the same "code" as Exodus xx. 24-25) is 
identical with Exodus xxxiv. 26. On page 25 we find the 
following astounding sentence written in reference to Exodus 
xxi. 1-xxii. 20 and the code of Hammurabi : " Both codes 
seek only to guard against crimes and to anticipate the more 
common cases of dispute, and thus to establish principles and 
precedents to guide judges in deciding similar questions." 
Whatever Dr. Kent may mean by " crimes," the statement is 
wholly false as regards both "codes." If he would read 
Exodus xxi. 2 ff . — the first law in the supposed " code " to 
which it belongs — he would discover that it was promulgated 
neither to guard against " crimes " nor " to anticipate the more 
common cases of dispute," but for the benefit of Hebrew slaves 
who had been sold to fresh masters. As to Hammurabi, many 
of the provisions relating to royal officers — to take the first 
instance that occurs to us — are enacted for the benefit of the 
king, and not for the reasons supposed by Dr. Kent. But the 
sentence is shockingly erroneous in other respects. The 
primary object of every jural law is to furnish a rule to be 
applied in cases falling within it, not "to establish principles 
and precedents to g^ide judges in deciding similar questions." 
Moreover, as with rare exceptions the jurisdiction of courts 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] " IsraeVs Laws and Legal Precedents." 125 

can be invoked only where an oflFense has been committed or a 
dispute has arisen, the naivete of the sentence, apart from its 
blunders, shows that Dr. Kent has no conception of what a law 

We have shown so fully that there is no topic related to 
Hebrew (or any other) law on which Dr. Kent is qualified 
either by his abilities or by his attainments or by his methods 
to express any opinion whatever, that we should be prepared 
to close this review here : but the intrinsic interest and impor- 
tance of the questions handled tempt us to touch upon some 
of them. 

To undertake to tackle any question of Israelitish law with- 
out legal training, and access to the comparative material, is 
like attempting to demolish a first-class modem fortress with 
no more potent weapon than a pea-shooter. We shall en- 
deavor just to outline the methods in which these may be ap- 
plied to one or two selected topics. 

The Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuchal legislation 
being disputed, we may ask what the comparative method has 
to teach us on the subject. And, first, as to the topics of jural 
law that are treated. Dr. Kent has dared to include in his 
"Selected Bibliography" Maine's "Ancient Law," a world- 
famous book, of the contents of which our author is phenome- 
nally ignorant. We extract from it a passage that was written 
as the result of an inductive study of several ancient legisla- 
ticwis, but without reference to the Pentateuch. 

"* Nine-tenths of the civil part of the law practised by civilised so- 
cietiee are made up of the Law of Persons, of the Law of Property 
and of Inheritance, and of the Law of Contract But it is plain that 
all these provinees of Jurisprudence must shrink within narrower 
boundaries, the nearer we make our approaches to the infancy of so- 
cial brotherhood. The Law of Persons, which is nothing else than the 
Law of Status, will be restricted to the scantiest limits as long as all 
forms of status are merged in conunon subjection to Paternal Power, 
as long as the Wife has no rights against her Husband, the Son none 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

126 " Israel's Lams and Legal Precedents.'* [Jan, 

against his Father, and the infant Ward none against the Agnates who 
are his Qnardlans. Similarly, the rules relating to Property and Succes- 
sion can never be plentiful, so long as land and goods devolve within the 
family, and, if distributed at all, are distributed inside its circle. But the 
greatest gap in ancient civil law will always be caused by the absence of 
Ck>ntract, which some archaic codes do not mention at all, while oth- 
ers significantly attest the immaturity of the moral notions on which 
Contract depends by supplying its place with an elaborate Jurispru- 
dence of Oaths. There are no corresponding reasons for the poverty 
of penal law, and accordingly, even if it l>e hazardous to pronounce 
that the childhood of nations is always a period of ungovemed vio- 
lence, we shall still be able to understand why the modem relation of 
criminal law to civil should be inverted In ancient codes" (Ancient 
Law, pp. 368-369). 

Let this passage be carefully considered, for every word of 
it is true of the Mosaic legislation. The commonest cases of 
property in and succession to land are treated in Leviticus 
XXV., and the case of Zelophehad's daughters— of course re- 
garded as late by Dr. Kent and his compeers. "The imma- 
turity of the moral notions on which Contract depends" is 
attested not merely by an " elaborate jurisprudence of oaths " 
(Num. XXX.), but perhaps even more significantly by such 
scanty contract law as exists. The perpetual dependence on 
religion, and not on the power of the courts, in such matters as 
the position of hired servants and pledge, affords the best 
evidence of the archaic conditions for which the legislation is 
designed. In the light of these facts — and others like them — 
Dr. Kent's dictum as to Exodus xxi. 1-xxii. 20 may be read 
with am'usement : " A study of the Hebrew code in the light 
of the needs of early Hebrew society, leads to the conclusion 
that it is not a fragment of a large code, but that the early 
code, with the probable exception of five laws, is preserved in 
its original and complete form"! (p. 25). 

But, after all, the Pentateuch does not present us with jural 
laws standing alone. They are involved with precepts of a 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents" 127 

different nature. What'hav^ the comparative materials to 
teach us on this head? 

" There is no system of recorded law, literally from China to Peru, 
which, when it first emerges into notice, is not seen to be entangled 
with religious ritual and observance. The law of the Romans has 
been thought to be that in which the civil and Pontifical Jurispru- 
dence were earliest and most completely disentangled. Yet the 
meagre extant fragments of the Twelve Tables of Rome contain rules 
which are plainly religious or ritualistic:— 

*• Thou Shalt not square a funeral pile with an adze. 
Let not women tear their cheeks at a funeral. 
Thou Shalt not put gold on a corpse.' " 

Maine, Early Law and Custom, pp. 5-6. 

A careful study of the extant fragments of the Roman 
Twelve Tables, we may remark in passing, would have led Dr. 
Kent to omit or materially to modify his comments on the 
form of the Pentateuchal legislation, just as a perusal of the 
first chapter of Maine's "Ancient Law" would have pre- 
vented his writing about the word "judgments" in the 
Pentateuch and Hammurabi in the way he has done (p. 23). 

But it is easy to provide many other parallels which not only 
make for the antiquity of the Mosaic legislation but also de- 
stroy the notions as to the relation of Israel and Babylon for 
which Dr. Kent's mtemifest ignorance is responsible. Thus he 
writes (pp. 47-48) : "The distinctions between clean and un- 
clean food, and the laws of ceremonial purity were shared in 
common." In so far as this dictum is true it may be paralleled 
from any good book on archaic religion. We may quote a 
sentence of Maine's as to the early Hindu law-books : " They 
contain much more ritual than law, a great deal more about 
the impurity caused by touching impure things than about 
crime, a great deal more about penalties than about punish- 
ments " (Early Law and Custom, p. 18). The following ex- 
tracts from Darmesteter's introduction to the Zendavesta are 
particularly apposite: — 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

128 " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents.'' [Jan. 

" The first object of man is purity, yao^rdau : * purity is for man, 
next to life, ttie greatest good.' 

"Purity and impurity have not in the Vendtdftd the exclusively 
spiritual meaning which they have in our languages : they do not re- 
fer to an inward state of the person, but chiefly to a physical state of 
the body. Impurity or uncleanness may be described as the state of 
a person or thing that is possessed of the demon ; and the object of 
purification is to expel the demon. 

"The principal means by which uncleanness enters man is death, 
as death is the triumph of the demon. 

" When a man dies, as soon as the soul has parted from the body, 
the Drug Nasu or CJorpse-Drui? falls upon the dead from the regions 
of hell, and whoever thenceforth touches the corpse becomes unclean, 
and makes unclean whomsoever he touches" (Sacred Books of the 
East, vol. iv. pp. Ixxxv f.). 

"Not only real death makes one unclean, but partial death too. 
Everything that goes out of the body of man is dead, and becomes 
the property of the demon. The going breath is unclean, it is for- 
bidden to blow the fire with it, and even to approach the fire without 
screening it from the contagion. . . . Parings of nails and cuttings or 
shavings of hair are unclean, and become weapons in the hands of the 
demons unless they have been protected by certain rites and spells. 
Any phenomenon by which the bodily nature is altered, whether ac- 
companied with danger to health or not, was viewed as a work of the 
demon, and made the person unclean in whom it took place. One of 
these phenomena, which is a special object of attention in the Ven- 
dldftd, is the uncleanness of women during their menses. The menses 
are sent by Ahriman, especially when they last beyond the usual time : 
therefore a woman, as long as they last, is unclean and possessed of 
the Demon : she must be kept confined, apart from the faithful whom 
her touch would defile, and from the fire which her very look would 
injure; she is not allowed to eat as much as she wishes, as the 
strength she might acquire would accrue to the fiends. Her food is 
not given to her from hand to hand, but is passed to her from a dis- 
tance, in a long leaden spoon. The origin of all these notions is in 
certain physical instincts, in physiological psychology, which is the 
reason achy they are found among peoples very far removed from one 
another by race or religion,^ But they took in Persia a new mean- 
ing as they were made a logical part of the whole religious system. 

" A woman that has been just delivered of a ehild is also unclean, 
although it would seem that she ought to be considered pure amongst 
the pure, since life has been increased by her in the world, and she 
has enlarged the realm of Ormazd. But the strength of old instincts 
overcame the drift of new principles. . . . 

*Our Italics. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] " Israel's Laws and Legal Precedents:' 129 

" Logic required that the sick man should be treated as an unclean 
one, that is, as one possessed. Sickness, being sent by Ahriman, ought 
to be cured like all his other works, by washings and spells. In fact, 
the medicine of spells was considered the most powerful of all, and 
altnough it did not oust the medicine of the lancet and that of drugs, 
yet It was more highly esteemed and less mistrusted. The commenta- 
tor on the Vendldftd very sensibly observes that if it does not relieve, 
it will surely do no harm, which seems not to have been a matter of 
course with those who heal by the knife and physic It appears 
from the last Fargard that all or, at least, many diseases might be 
cured by spells and BarashntUn washing. It appears from Herodotus 
and Agathias that contagious diseases required the same treatment 
as undeanness: the sick man was excluded from the community of 
the faithful, until cured and cleansed according to the rites. 

"The unclean are confined in a particular place apart from all 
clean persons and objects. ... All the unclean, all those struck with 
temporary death, the man who has touched dead matter, the woman 
in her menses, or Just delivered of child, the leper, or the man who 
has made himself unclean for ever by carrying a corpse alone, stay 
there all the time of their undeanness" (op. dt, pp. zcii ff.). 

The applicability of these passages is too obvious to call for 

We should have wished, had space permitted, to deal further 
with this question of authenticity by taking some of the indi- 
vidual rules and institutions and showing how they support 
Mosaic authenticity. The order, too, is another interesting 
subject on which Dr. Kent writes at random, and we 
should have liked to touch on the matter, but we can only find 
room to deal briefly with one or two aspects of the Hammurabi 
question. " The remarkable correspondence between many of 
these individual laws," writes Dr. Kent, " and those of Ham- 
murabi, favors the conclusion that the principles underlying 
them, if not the detailed contents and form, were in part de- 
rived from the older code through the Canaanites" (p. 24). 
The "remarkable correspondence" has no existence in fact, 
and the " conclusion " rests on nothing more substantial than 
Dr. Kent's ignorance. No value can be attached to his allega- 
tions as to parallels, variations, etc. Thus he writes (p. 26) : 
Vol LXV. No. 267. 9 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

130 " Israel's Laivs and Legal Precedents'* [Jan. 

" The penalty for stealing an ox in the Hebrew code is five 
oxen (Ex. xxii. 1), but in Hammurabi's code thirty, or if the 
owner was a poor man, ten- fold its value " (sect. 8). But he 
does not add — ^because he does not know — that manifold resti- 
tution for theft is to be found in archaic law all over the 
world (see Post Grundriss, vol. ii. pp. 430 ff.). Everywhere the 
reason is the same. Theft gives rise to the blood feud and this 
weakens and injures the community. So the lawgiver steps 
in with a heavy bribe to induce the aggrieved person to sub- 
mit his case to the courts, instead of taking the remedy into his 
own hands : and the feeling of vengeance supplies the measure 
of the damages offered. In point of fact there is but one thing 
that is somewhat unusual about Hammurabi's rule — the high 
amount of damages payable : and in this respect Exodus con- 
forms much more nearly to what is usual elsewhere. There is 
in truth nothing distinctive about the Hebrew rule. 

We must limit ourselves to two more instances. The punish- 
ment for kidnapping (Ex. xxi. 16, and Hammurabi, sect. 14) is 
cited by Dr. Kent as an example of close agreement. But to 
this there are numerous parallels, including, e. g., the law of 
the Guatemalan natives. (See Post Grundriss, vol. ii. p. 355.) 
The reason is not far to seek. The offense itself naturally 
gives rise to the blood feud : but its nature is so injurious to 
the community that when the lawgiver steps in, he, while 
checking the feud, maintains and legalizes the death-penalty 
in order to protect society. Similar needs give rise te similar 
rules. Our other case is equally instructive. Exodus xxii. 4 
(5) (which Dr. Kent misstates and therefore does not cite in 
this connection) is very similar to Hammurabi, sect. 57, but 
the following passage of an old Hindu law-book resembles 
both laws more closely than they resemble each other : — 

"19. If damage is done by cattle, the responsibility falls on the 
owner. 20. But if [the cattle] were attended by a herdsman, [it 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] " Israel's Lcams and Legal Precedetits." 131 

falls] on the latter. 21 [If the damage was done] in an unenclosed 
fleld near the road, [the responsibility falls] on the herdsman and on 
the owner of the field. 22 Five Mftshas [are the fine to be paid] for 
[damage done by] a cow, 23. Six for a camel or a donkey, 24. Ten for 
a horse or a buffalo, 25. Two for eadi goat or sheep. 26. If all is 
destroyed, [the value of] the whole crop [must be paid and a fine in 
addiUon]." (Gautama ziL 19-25; cf., also, Manu ylit 239-241.) 

The origin of such rules is easy to understand. The problem 
they solve must arise in every-day life wherever pastoral and 
agricultural occupations are pursued tog^ether, and the main 
outlines of the best solution are so obvious that they must 
have suggested themselves to able men in all countries. There 
is nothing distinctive about law of this kind. It is to be found 
in every community which includes both men who tend 
animals and men who till land. 

And here we must take our leave of Dr. Kent and his dis- 
graceful publication. We have sought to set forth his leading 
characteristics impartially, without exaggeration, but also with- 
out extenuation, for in a case like this the plainest lang^ge is 
also the best. The exposure of errors which are likely to mis- 
lead the public is, sometimes, a duty which must be resolutely 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

132 English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. [Jan. 




This era includes the comprehensive period between Eliza- 
beth and Victoria, an era of over three centuries, as contrasted 
with the half-century of the drama of the Golden Age, in 
w'hich contrast is found a sufficiently striking diflFerence be- 
tween the dramatic character and product of the respective 
periods. There is a sense, indeed, in which English literature 
may be said to have had but one specifically dramatic age, all 
Post-Shakespearian dramiatic product being properly classified 
as secondary. In this respect, English dramatic verse is 
strikingly distinct from English lyric as a steadily progressive 
literary evolution, and more in keeping with English epic, 
which reached as high a status in the poetry of Milton in the 
seventeenth century as it has done in any subsequent era. 

Hence, it may, at the outset, be noticed that it is quite im- 
possible to speak of the Historical Development of the Modem 
English Drama, as we speak of that of Modem English Prose 
or English Lyric, in the sense of discovering a progfressive 
evolution of better and better product. If we call the Pre- 
Elizabethan Age preparative, as it was, and the Elizabethan, 
culminative, then, all that is Post-Elizabethan must be, at its 
best, but a little more than a reproduction, in varied and 
somewhat inferior form, of antecedent product. When it is 
said by Ward, "that all literary growths are continuous," it 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. 133 

iMould be sufficient to show in the case of the later English 
drama that it is not strictly a growth at all, but jather a 
literary history with its diversified features of progress and 
decline. It is this fact that Ward himself has in mind when 
he adds : " In literary, as in all other history, it is generally 
difficult to say where growth passes into decline, and where, 
in the midst of exuberant life, the first signs announce them- 
selves of the beginning of the end." In other words, growth 
had ceased by "passing into decline," and it becomes the 
object of the student's researches to follow carefully the 
course of the decline and note any deviations from! it to that 
which is better. 

In any case, the first fact of interest as to the drama before 
us is, that it is a record of decline, however complex and 
concealed the causes of such a decline may be. These are 
found, in part, (a) in the uniform principle of literary re- 
action, (6) in the increasing emergence of non-dramatic 
conditions, and (c) in the necessary limitations of the human 
mind, making it incapable of the prolonged exercise of such 
a high order of literary genius, the literary history, in the 
main, following the course of the civic and social history of 
the nation. Be the causes what they may, what is called the 
Decadence of the Drama had definitely beg^n. The volume 
" From Shakespeare to Pope," by Gosse, is substantially ap- 
plicable to dramatic poetry, as a specific form, well called " a 
mundane" order of poetry, seeking its sources in purely 
secular and temporal conditions. Saintsbury classifies the 
Plays of the century into four periods, — ^those of Marlowe, 
Shakespeare, Beaumont and Fletcher, and Massinger, re- 
spectively. The last of these is the era of decadence, becoming 
more and more decadent as the century closes. The Shake- 
spearian Plays of the period are sufficient^ proof of such a 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

134 English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. [Jan. 

decadence, evincing its progress by an ever-increasing number 
of mere dramatic adventures and poetasters. What is known 
among the critics as the Artificial English Drama now pre-. 
vailed, when the masters had disappeared, and the novices 
had assumed control. 


As we enter this era, including the reigfns of Jantes I. and 
Charles I., there is an explanation of decadence, as seen in 
the Loss of National Prestige. "Queen Elizabeth and the 
glories with which her name was identified seem all but for- 
gotten." " Had England, at the time," writes Ward, " taken 
a resolute i^irt in the great European struggle, the traditicms 
of a great national epoch must have counted for much." " As 
it was," he adds, "the pacific policy of Jannes, and the tm- 
certainty in the councils of Charles, doomed England to 
virtual inaction in the midst of a tremendous European 
crisis, and the ancient glories rusted in the national con- 
sciousness." The stirring memories of Elizabethan days, of 
the Spanish Armada, and the tritmiphs of British arms were 
but dimly recalled by the Stuart kings. Hence the drama was 
out of sympathy with the current thought of the time, either 
at home or on the Continent. It was denationalized, isolated, 
and unsympathetic, localized in area, and positively restricted 
in the free expression of its national life. In the reign of 
James I., it is true, some of the old Elizabethan pla)nvrights 
were still at work, — Beaumont, Fletcher, Jonson, Massinger, 
and Webster; as, in that of Charles I., there were Ford and 
Johnson, Massinger and Marlowe. The premonitions of 
decline, however, were at hand, hastened by the political dis- 
turbances of the time, and the approach of the Puritan non- 
dramatic era. Though some encouragement to the higher 
drama was given by James I., and though the tastes of 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. 136 

Charles I. and his queen ^re soniewhat literary and in 
sympathy with true dramatic development, the environment 
was, in the main, unfriendly. The flagrant corruptions of the 
Court of James had left its baneful influence upon that of 
his successor ; wider and wider distances were drawn between 
the classes and the masses. The best elements were in abey- 
ance to the worst, until the English stage and drama were at 
length overwhelmed by the outbreak of the Revolution of 
1640. Manifestly, the higher drama could not flourish under 
such conditions, despite the efforts of the last of the Eliza- 
bethans to sustain it. Even in comedy, the comedy of 
character gave way to the comedy of manners and intrigue and 
verbal artifice. Playwrights vied with each other in mere 
fertility of production and in the inverse ratio of its literary 
merit. Despite the eflForts of Herbert and Chillingworth, 
Fuller, Taylor and Milton, the moral atmosphere of the time 
reached such a measure of defilement that it was impossible 
for a man of conscience " to draw his breath freely." 

The culmination of this series of movements expressed itself 
in the Puritan Period of 1649-60, which, though brief, is 
crowded with critical events, historical and literary; stands 
midway between the monarchy of the early Stuarts and the 
anarchy of the later; contains within itself the extremes of 
evil and of good, and is, even yet, in all its bearings, some- 
thing of a puzzle to literary and civic historians. Of 
dramatic history, it may be said that it had none. Seven 
years prior to its opening, in 1642, theaters were closed by 
due process of law, and not re-opened until the accession of 
Charles IL, in 1660. It was, indeed, a penal offense even to 
be a spectator of plays. This is not the place in which to 
discuss the Puritan protest against the English drama, the 
most charitable conclusion being that, with pure motive and a 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

136 English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. [Jan. 

just occasion in the excesses of the time, some modification 
of their drastic method might have conduced to wholesome 
issues. What is known as the Anti-Theatrical literature of the 
time is of this violent and extreme character, culminating in 
Prynne's " Histrio-Mastix " (The Players' Scourge), in 
which he holds that all plays originate with the devil, and 
contribute directly to his dominance in the world. In an age 
when Taylor and Baxter and Bunyan were writing, it is not 
strange that, by way of reaction from the profligacy that had 
prevailed, these serious-minded Covenanters should have de- 
nounced all plays and players as of the devil, and in their zeal 
for Christian honor have exhibited an unchristian temper. 

Nor is it any the less strange that, when the Puritans had 
had their day, and Charles II. returned from France with the 
latest schooling in Parisian ethics, all prior records should 
have been surpassed, and the English theater, now re-opened, 
should have become the synonym for mental imbecility and 
moral debauchery. 


This extends from the restoration of Charles II., in 1660, to 
the death of Dryden, in 1700, continuing its influence, more 
or less directly, into the reig^ of Queen Anne on to its dose 
in 1714. As already suggested, in accounting for the special 
type of drama introduced at this time, scarcely any further 
cause need be assigned than that of Reaction. The Restora- 
tion itself was a reactionary movement in English politics and 
life, as contrasted with the immediately preceding Puritan 
Period. The restrictions of the Commonwealth could no 
longer be tolerated by a monarch and a court of the Restora- 
tion type, and this unbridled desire for fullest liberty naturally 
expressed itself in the re-opening of the theaters, in 1660. 
Just as the Puritans, at the opening of the inter-regfnum, in 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. 137 

1649, represented a reactionary anti-dramatic movement against 
the antecedent dramatic order; so, in the later Stuart era, we 
note a reactionary dramatic movement against the antecedent 
anti-dramatic order, literary history here repeating itself, and 
in obedience to what we are wont to call an inevitable law of 
providence. Short as the era is, its position midway between 
the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries of English history and 
literature gives it a character and influence altogether above 
its intrinsic merits, and makes it all the more essential that 
the interpretation of its place should be a just one. 

Mr. Gosse, in describing the conditions of the English 
Drama after the Restoration, remarks, " that the drama took 
a place in English Literature during the last third of the 
seventeenth century relatively more prominent than it has 
ever taken since." "Certain sections of society," he adds, 
" were passionately addicted to theatrical amusements. Their 
appetite had been whetted by eighteen years of enforced pri- 
vation." This imperious demand, of course, created a 
corresponding measure of supply. One of the chief reasons 
why dramatic literature now so prevailed was the specifically 
practical one of its immediate money returns. Scores of 
playwrights had been impatiently waiting for just such a 
demand for their theatrical product, and when the conservative 
policy of the Puritans gave way to the free indulgence of the 
Stuart Era these poverty-stricken authors emerged from their 
retreats with manuscripts in readiness, and the English 
market was fairly burdened with the weight of their dramatic 
wares. This is one reason, among others, why, on the one 
hand, so many authors of the day were playwrights, and, on 
the other, why so few of them attained to an3rthing like 
literary eminence in dramatic verse. 

If we inquire as to the characteristics of these Restoration 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

138 English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. [Jan. 

Plays, they may all be summarily expressed in the one word 
Servility,— mental, moral, literary, and official. The Restora- 
tion was that of Charles 11. and his court, and monarchy itself 
was out-monarchied by the manner in which that which was 
written, in prose and verse, wtas written in abject deference to 
the Stuart will. It was the king and the courtiers and their 
immediate followers who suggested the themes and the general 
tenor of the tragedy and comedy ; who smiled or frowned as 
the plays pleased or displeased them; on whom authors and 
actors were alike dependent for their daily living, in that they 
created by their influence the public demand for the stage. 
The drama was thus, out and out, servile: a drama of the 
court and the crown, and not of the gjeat English commonalty ; 
a drama of civil and religious partisanship, and not of un- 
shackled opinion in church and state; mentally and morally 
inferior, because servile and incapable, thereby, of rising to 
anything like poetic primacy. It was, to this extent, wholly 
un-Elizabethan. It is in keeping with this view that Ward 
writes, "Had the Restoration drama been in true sympathy 
with the Elizabethans, it might have reached a commanding 
level of excellence," by which he means, had it been more 
catholic and independent, it would have been nobler and 
thoroughly in line with the best English traditions. " It is," 
he adds, "because it was untrue to these traditions that its 
history is that of a decay such as no brilliancy can conceal." 
More specifically, he g^ves us a satisfactory triple ex- 
planation of this decline, when he states, that this later drama 
was " untrue to the higher purpose of the dramatic art, to the 
nobler tendencies of the national life, and to the eternal de- 
mands of the moral law." Each of these instances of un- 
faithfulness, it may be said, was but the result or evidence of 
that base servility that stifled all genius and patriotism and 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. 139 

art When Collier issued, in 1698, his " Short View of the 
Profaneness and Immorality of the English Stage," it was 
not altogether against specific moral abuses that he was con- 
tending, but against the entire spirit and motive of the drama 
of his day as unworthy of the antecedent history of England, 
as un-English as it wias un-Elizabethan. High dramatic art 
gave wfeiy to the lowest forms of Sentimental Comedy; and 
the direful teachings of Hobbes, that conscience is a myth, and 
right and wrong unfounded antitheses, became the current 
doctrine of the hour. It was the High Noon of imbecility and 
immorality, when the English stage, according to Henry 
Irving, was "a mere appendage of court life, a mirror of 
patrician vice hanging at the girdle of fashionable profligacy." 
Of dramatists busily at work, in this intervening era, there 
is no lack, as almost every writer of any literary talent made 
the attempt, at least, to meet the increasing dramatic demand. 
Hence the names of Etherege, Aphra Behn, Davenant, 
Wycherley, Farquhar, Vanbrugh, Otway, Lee, Southeme and 
Congreve. High over all, in general and special g^fts, the 
name of John Dryden stands, the semi-dramatic work of 
Milton ; giving him, also, an historic place among the Restora- 
tion dramatists. Of these several authors it is not within our 
present purpose to speak. Suffice it to say, that they reveal, 
in part, the fact that dramatic literature was a representative 
poetic type of the time ; that the gvtdX majority of these play- 
wrights serve but to show what imposing proportions poetic 
mediocrity can assume, and to prove the truth of Ward's 
statement "that of all forms of literary art the drama can 
least reckon without its responsibilities." Here and there, in 
this vast volume of dramatic product, an author or a Play of 
distinctive merit appears, the nearest approximation to the 
excellence of Dryden appearing in the work of Congreve, 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

140 English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. [ Jai;. 

author of "The Mourning Bride," "The Double Dealer/' 
"Love for Love," whom Dryden praises in unstinted terms, 
to whom Pope dedicates his Iliad, and of whom Voltaire says, 
" that he raised the glory of comedy to a greater height than 
any English writer before or since." 

It was Dryden, however, who was the " hero of the age and 
the stage," as central in later Stuart literary history as 
Shakespeare was in the earlier, and Sheridan in the following 
era; a dramatic critic as well as composer; a writer of 
tragedies, comedies, prologues and epilogues; the accepted 
censor of his age ; and, despite the ridicule of Buckingham in 
his "Rehearsal," possessed of undoubted literary genius, 
though often prostituted to the basest ends. It was reserved 
for Dryden to illustrate, at once, the servility and scurrility of 
the Stuart drama, and, also, to redeem its name from the 
charge of mental mediocrity. The attempt of Milton in his 
" Samson Agonistes " to take a part in this drama is as inter- 
esting as it is anomalous, as if, in the character of the last 
of the Elizabethans, he would recall his contemporaries to the 
forgotten traditions of their fathers; protest, in the name of 
truth and virtue, against the riotous rule of the Philistines in 
literature, and ominously point out to Charles 11. the certain 
fate of those who set at naught the laws of God and man. 
In the same volume with " Paradise Regained," and issued 
in 1671, but a few years after the publication, in 1667, of 
" Paradise Lost," this great English champion of purity and 
truth persisted in uttering his message in the ears of a king 
and court utterly indifferent thereto, absorbed as they were 
in the dissolute dramas of Aphra Behn and Nathaniel Lee. 

It is not strange that this order of things required nothing 
less than the Great Rebellion of 1688, to nullify, in part at 
least, its baneful influence and institute a new and better 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] English DrcMtatic Verse after Shakespeare. 141 

order. The substiturion of the House of Orange for the Stuart 
dynasty was not only the substitution of limited monarchy for 
absolutism, of Protestantism for Romanism, and of mental 
freedom for mental bondage, but it was the introduction of an 
entirely new spirit in literature, and, thus, of a distinctively 
preparative literary movement, as the later century ap- 
proached. Even the Orange dramatists felt its influence, 
while the protestations of Collier became, at length, so effective 
that authors and actors alike were placed tmder bonds to 
keep within the limits of moral propriety. Dryden himself 
acknowledged the substantial truth of the charges against him, 
and, in the two years of his life yet remaining, did what he 
could to redeem his record and that of the age which he 
represented. In the closing year of the century, 1700, Dryden 
died, and the Restoration Drama passed into history. The 
way was now fully opened for the Augustan Era and the 
English Drama of the Eighteenth Century. 


In so far as time is concerned, this period extends from 
the opening of Queen Anne's reig^, in 1702, well on toward 
the close of the reign of George III., its actual ending in 1820 
taking ys well into the first quarter of the century following. 
Hence, we notice, at the outset, that, in so far as the drama is 
concerned, much of the activity of the Stuart Era proper 
passed over into the eighteenth century, such dramatists as 
Wycherley, and Cibber, and Vanbrugh, and Farquhar, and 
Rowe producing plays within each era, thus serving to con- 
nect the drama of the two centuries. This is especially true 
as to English Comedy. As Ward states it, " Both wEat was 
weakest and what was brightest in the English Comedy of 
the Eighteenth Century already existed in the Seventeenth." 
Hence, it is urged, "that Goldsmith has a predecessor in 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

142 English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. [Jan. 

Farquhar, and that Sheridan is but the legitimate successor 
of Congreve and the adopter of Vanbrugh," the rise of Senti- 
mental Comedy, as fairly attributed both to Steele and 
Cibber, finding thus its rightful place in the period preceding. 
No student of this era can fail to note the dramatic influence 
of Dryden, in the sphere of comedy, the acknowledged leader 
of the Stuart Era. In so far as tragedy is concerned, these 
conclusions must be modified, the tragic excellence of the Age 
of Dryden finding no worthy successor nor parallel in the 
later age. " The tragedy of the Eighteenth Century," writes 
Saintsbury, " is almost beneath contempt, being, for the most 
part, a faint French echo or else transpontine melodrama, with 
a few plaster-cast attempts to reproduce an entirely misun- 
derstood Shakespeare." Indeed, it may be said, that, although 
the revival of interest in the Shakespearian Drama, in the 
seventeenth century, was mainly due to the agency of Dry- 
den, and, though actors such as Garrick and authors such as 
Rowe and Addison did what they could to reinstate the in- 
fluence of this " great national genius," still, the drama of this 
century, especially in tragedy, cannot be said even to remind 
us of Shakespeare, either in content or spirit. The century is, 
in no sense, dramatic, as was the Elizabethan or even the 
Stuart Era. From the very opening of the century, literary 
interests assumed other and more absorbing t)rpes, partly due 
to changes in political sentiment and social life, and partly 
to a decided decadence of dramatic genius itself. If we seek 
for the causes of such a decadence, we note that the century 
opened as a distinctive Prose era, on the periodical side, as 
expressed in the Spectator and the Toiler and similar collec- 
tions, while, within the province of poetry itself, the formal 
school of Pope was engaging the chief attention of the critics, 
and impressing itself upon the literature of the nation at large. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. 143 

Thus, if we call for a list of our eighteenth-century 
dramatists, we shall be surprised to find that the number of 
names, all told, is a limited one, while that of the masters in 
the art may be reduced to here and there a name. According 
to Schlegel, a genius of the first rank in tragedy did not 
appear in the century. " Why has this revival of the admira- 
tion of Shakespeare," asks Schlegel, " remained improductive 
for dramatic poetry,'* his suggestive answter being "that he 
has been too much the subject of astonishment, as an un- 
approachable genius who owed ever)rthing to nature and 
nothing to art." " Had he been considered," he adds, " more 
from an artistic point of view, it would have led to an en- 
deavor to understand the principles which he followed in his 
practice and to an attempt to master them." The causes of 
the absence of Shakespearian genius in the eighteenth century 
lie deeper down, we submit, and farther back than this 
language of Schlegel's would argue. The fact of its absence 
is, however, a potent one. Here and there are visible traces of 
dramatic power, sufiicient to awaken the interest of the in- 
quiring student and make it possible for him to prophesy the 
near appearance of a better day. Not to mention the names 
of those already cited as properly belonging to both centuries, 
such as Congreve and Cibber, we note the names of Addison 
and Steele, and, especially, of Goldsmith and Sheridan, who 
may be said to be the two specially dramatic authors of the 
century proper, the dramatic translations of Goethe and 
Schiller by Scott and Coleridge, respectively, and the dramatic 
verse of Byron properly belonging to the succeeding age. 

Of the dramatic genius of AddisM, as seen in his ** Cato," 
it may be said, that, despite the favor with which the tragedy 
was received by the Augfustan public, it cannot justly be re- 
garded as reaching anything more than average merit. Pre- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

144 English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. [Jan. 

pared with a view to reinstate classical ideals in English 
Verse and, yet, prepared amid the political agitations of the 
time, it cannot be said to have been either a literary or a 
political success, its contemporary repute being strangely due 
to the fact that each of the warring factions of the day, the 
Whig and the Tory, insisted in claiming it as an exponent of 
its party principles, a tragedy full, as Ward expresses it, of 
" effective commonplaces " and so exalting French and 
classical models in dramatic composition as to throw dis- 
credit on the old Elizabethan models and thereby serve to 
check that Shakespearian movement in whose advance alone 
the future excellence of the English drama was to lie. With 
Addison, tragic composition was a left-handed and an un- 
natural exercise, his gifts and mission lying in quite other 
literary spheres. 

Of Steele, author of "The Conscious Lovers," "the first 
English comedy," according to Schlegel, "that can be called 
moral," suffice it to say, that he shares, with Cibber, the 
honor of having introduced Sentimental Comedy, and, with 
Addison, the honor of having effectively rebuked the literary 
immorality of the age. 

Goldsmith's dramatic work Was not the ablest part of his 
product as a writer. Author of "The Good-natured Man," 
of which he himself was a signal example, and of the still 
abler composition " She Stoops to Conquer," it is just to say 
that each of them is a worthy expression of English Comedy, 
and holds its place even yet in general literary esteem. The 
first of them, according to Johnson, was "the best comedy 
seen on the English stage for forty years" (1728-68), while 
the second, according to Gosse, is "one of the great 
comedies of the world." What Goldsmith did, he did with 
high motive and on sound literary principles. All defects 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. 145 

conceded, his dramatic work is far above the average of his 
time, and may justly be cited in connection with that of 
Sheridan, the leading dramatic exponent of the tinue; author 
of " The Rivals," written at twenty-two, and of " The School 
for Scandal," written at twenty- four; known among critics 
"as the best existing English comedy of intrigue," each of 
them being still in favor on the boards of the English and the 
American theater. Based on the best examples of Restoration 
Comedy, and on such a model as Moliere, they justly remind 
us of Elizabethan traditions, and justify a hopeful outlook into 
the following century. 


This is a period so recent that but little need be said as to its 
type and merits. This m,uch, however, may safely be ven- 
tured, that it cannot be called a high order of drama, despite 
the fact that a goodly number of wbrkers have been busy 
throughout the century, so that the dramatic product is by no 
means limited. As Saintsbury states it, "There has always 
been something out of joint with English nineteenth-century 
tragedy." The same might be said of comedy. The drama is 
academic and artificial, rather than popular and natural, and 
the spontaneous expression of native genius, the "mere by- 
work " of most of the poets, and not their legitimate literary 
calling. From the fact of the high esteem in which such a 
secondary dramatist as Knowles was held, it may be argued 
that the critical standard was lamentably low, that tragedies 
and comedies devoid of dramatic impulse and vigor were 
classified as representative. This inferiority is somewhat re- 
markable when we recall, as has been suggested, the large 
number of English poets of the last century who were dramatic 
authors, — Byron, author of Cain ; Shelley, in his " Prometheus 
Unbound " ; Coleridge, in his " Fall of Robespierre " ; Soutbey, 
Vol. LXV. No. 267. 10 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

146 English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. [Jan. 

in "Sappho"; Bulwer, in "Richelieu"; Landor, in 
"Rockric"; Matthew Arnold, in "Empcdodes on Etna"; 
Browning, in his Mcmologues; Mrs. Browning, in her ren- 
derings of "Euripides" and "Prometheus"; Scott, in his 
translation of Goethe; and Tennyson, in his several dramatic 
productions; while to these may be added the names of 
authors now< working among us. Here is a wide variety and 
volume of eflfort, suggesting a favorable comparison with the 
days of Elizabeth, and ytt a living critic, with this product 
before him, affirms of Browning^s " Blot in the 'Scutcheon," 
that it is the one play of the century which shows any tragic 
vigor in its central part. Of these poets it may be said, 
without any exception, that they were dramatic writers with- 
out being dramatists; that their Plays wtre delineative, and 
not essentially dramatic; that some of them, as Browning, 
wrote Monologues or Monodramas only ; that others, such as 
Scott, translated dramas, and that others still, as Landor and 
Shelley, failed to apprehend aright the structural side of this 
order of verse. It is thus that we read "that Byron's 
tragedies are not the worst part of his work"; that "Scott 
had no dramatic faculty"; that "Shelley's *Cenci' is not 
actable " ; and that the drama of the century as a whole lacks 
the quality of greatness. These are just conclusions when the 
reader sits down to find in this product a fialf-dozen specimens 
that may faintly remind him of Marlowe and Johnson. 

The comparative failure of Tennyson in this field is 
sufficient evidence that dramatic genius wlas not one of the 
gifts of the gods to the England of his day. 


Of the Contemporary British Drama, represented, especially, 
in Swinburne, Austin, Jones, and Phillips, suffice it to say, 
that it has merit, though not masterly merit ; that, while indi- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] English Dramatic Verse after Shakespeare. 147 

eating an advance upon the later Victorian Era, it is not 
Elizabethan. The strength of the opening century lies else- 
where, — ^in lyric verse as of old, and, especially, in historical, 
critical, and philosophic prose. Possibly, under conditions as 
yet non-existent, English verse may assume epic and dramatic 
eminence, and remind us, once again, of Milton and Shake- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

148 The Ethical Factor in Politics, [Jan. 




There is an intimate relationship between politics and 
commerce. So much political activity has its motive in busi- 
ness considerations that the financial factor seems, on the 
surface, to be the dominant factor in politics. So obtrusive 
has been this factor in our own national history that a 
brilliant United States Senator dared a few years ago to say 
that the Golden Rule and the Ten Commandments had no 
place in American politics. He was speaking not of theories 
but of actual conditions as he interpreted them. 

Nevertheless a lode beneath the surface both of history 
and of present conditions finds strong ground for the con- 
viction expressed in the following proposition: The ethical 
factor has been and is now increasingly the most potent one 
in politics. 

It was comparatively early in the history of modem civiliza- 
tion that the tyranny of kings found its only effective buttress 
in the claim to a " divine right." The inspiration moving the 
barons to make the stand at Runnymede that wrested from 
King John the Great Charter of English liberties sprang less 
from the consciousness of their might than from the impelling 
sense that right was on their side. It was John Wycliffe's 
proclamation through a translated Bible and an army of 
Lollards of the doctrine of a common fatherhood and an all- 
inclusive brotherhood that started the political earthquake 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Ethical Factor in Politics. 149 

causing British absolutism first to tremble on its throne and 
later to totter to its fall in the days of Cromwell and Charles 
the First. 

The whole modern ferment making for civil liberty and 
now beginning to convulse the Eastern nations, as in former 
generations it has revolutionized the Western, is everywhere 
traceable to the ethical yeast. It is this ethical yeast, as 
Benjamin Kidd has showto in his " Social Evolution " and in 
his later work entitled " Western Civilization," that has been 
the chief evolutionary principle in political prc^ess. 

It is not infrequently said that the "Compact" drawn up 
by the Pilgrims in the cabin of the Mayflow'er has had more 
far-reaching political effects than any other document penned 
in modern times. Whether that be an extravagant assertion 
or not it is plainly demonstrable that " the tap-root of all that 
is wholesome and permanent in modern democracy " is sunk 
in the very soil out of which that compact grew. An element 
of the same spirit that impelled the Pilgrims and the Puritans 
to break away from the English shores prompted their de- 
scendants in " seventy-six " to break away from the British 
government. It was not so much because taxation without 
representation was expensive as because it was unjust that 
they waged a war so costly in money and in blood. 

Later another war was waged on American soil. When the 
first gun was fired at Fort Sumter it was popularly supposed 
that Cotton was king. When, four years later, the dove of 
peace finally alighted at Appomattox, it had been demon- 
strated that the ethical principle of human freedom sat on a 
loftier throne. 

The modern sociologist, studying history and society in his 
scientific laboratory, is now announcing that "the ruling 
class ordering the world to their own ends are everywhere en- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

160 The Ethical Factor in Politics. [Jan. 

countering a process that is gradually subordinating their 
selfish ends to something higher." In this encounter absolute 
monarchy has gone down in the West and is trembling in the 
East, slavery is making its last stand in the Congo wilds and 
commercialism is now brought to bay on the g^eat industrial 
battle-field. All the political developments of the past are but 
consecutive pages in the text-book from which the world is 
slowly learning the great lesson of history that "selfishness 
is disinteg^ting and dangerous — ^that selfishness and any 
system inspired by selfishness ultimjately falls of its own 
weight." The time has past in Anglo-Saxon history when the 
g^eat political problems centered around royal selfishness. To- 
day our greatest political problems center about social and 
commercial selfishness. 

Our race problems are at bottom moral problems, and will 
never reach a solution till they are settled in comformity with 
the fundamental principles of ethics. Our labor problem, 
complicated as it appears, is simply a question of fair dealing 
between man and man. The problem, of trusts has its economic 
as well as its ethical features, but there is no momentum in 
the material considerations involved powerful enough to un- 
seat tyrannous capitalism. Fronn one side of the trough goes 
up the shriek, " I want my share !" From the other side shrills 
the answer, " You are getting more than your share !" They 
are two squeals, but they come from the samie breed of hogs. 
This situation is enough to insure a fight, but it insures no 
victory for either side. Here was the fatal' inadequacy of the 
French Revolution. The dominating ethical element essential 
to real progress and to final solutions w^s lacking in the body 
politic. But when up from the multitude there rumbles the 
cry concerning any controlling influence, " It is unjust! It is 
wrong!" then at last you have a movement that is ominous; 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Ethical Factor in Politics. 161 

for if it gathers weight and speaks with the tone of moral 
conviction it means doom to the power at which it is aimed, 
however armed and intrenched that power may be. 

When the cry of "discrimination" is raised between 
shippers and railroads, if it only means, " Give me my turn 
at the trough," the great voting public will not give attention 
long enough to accomplish lasting results ; but if a clamorous 
cry goes up, " This is tyrannous — it is not a square deal for 
all," and the resulting inquiry demonstrates that there is 
truth in the charge, then an irresistible political movement has 

Let it be known that the political g^fter, the insurance 
magnate, the waterer of stocks, has been running amuck 
among the Ten Commandments, call his offense by the plain 
name of stealing, and the Folk or the Hughes who does it 
passes into office at the next election on the indignant votes 
of his fellow-citizens. The railroads will no longer kill fifteen 
thousand people a year when the great common people, whom 
you cannot fool all the time, attaches the ethical name of 
"murder" to the willful neglect of roadbeds and of safety 
appliances, and to the requiring of trainmen to work con- 
tinuously seven days in the week and sometimes seventeen 
hours in the day. 

Theories offered in explanation of the present financial 
flurry are legion. There is significance because more than a 
little truth in the answer of a famous correspondent of the 
Philadelphia Press to the question "What hit Wall Street?" 
when he asserts that it was the faith of the common people 
in honesty and justice coming, through the avenue of politics, 
up against the leagued gamblers intrenched in their towering 
castles of speculation. 

Organized greed, which has long waged victorious political 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

162 The Ethical Factor in Politics. [Jan. 

warfare by simply blowing the trumpet of the particular 
political party seeming to be most powerful or most amenable 
to its "special interest," is nearly panic-stricken by the dis- 
covery that the snap of the party whip is fast losing its 
old-time terror, and a political factor of comparatively recent 
origin, known as "the independent voter," is to hold the 
balance of power in the immediate future. 

The recent November elections afford startling intimation 
that he may already be succeeding both Democrat and Re- 
publican as the dominant agency in American politics. Inde- 
pendent voting resulted in Massachusetts in such a defection 
from the Democratic party as to threaten its official standing ; 
in New York City in the repudiation of the fusion between 
the Republican party and the Independence League ; in Louis- 
ville in the overthrow of what would normally be a Demo- 
cratic city government; in Salt Lake City in the election of 
the American instead of the hitherto successful Mormon 
Republican candidate ; in San Francisco in the election of Dr. 
Taylor as mayor over a combination of the reigning Republi- 
can machine and many labor unionists. 

And who is the independent voter? In general he is the 
man who votes for the principle that he believes is right and 
for the candidate that he believes is honest. It is true that his 
ranks are often swelled by those taking the side that they 
think will best serve their selfish interest; but he is the hope 
of the future because by a large majority he is the man who 
is more influenced by ethical considerations than by party 

This surmounting of the mioral element over the partisan 
element in politics is the outgrowth of a mighty principle that, 
in the evolution of society, is fast emerging into clear view. 
It is already discernible to the forthlooking vision, whether 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Ethical Factor in Politics. 153 

it be contemplating national or international relations, that 
the rivalry of the future is to be between g^eat opposing 
systems of social order, the determining factor of success be- 
ing the degree to which the highest ethical principles have 
been adopted. 

This line of cleavage has one of its many illustrations in 
the gigantic strides now making in the prohibition of promis- 
cuous liquor-selling until half the territory of the United 
States is under prohibitory law, with prospect of sweeping and 
resistless progress in the near future. Nobody can sanely 
doubt that this already stupendous political edifice, so rapidly 
adding story to story, rests upon the bedrock of a great moral 
conviction. The organized traffic is finally recognizing that 
its gigantic corruption fund is powerless to arrest the move- 
ment, and that — because, even in the political arena, money, 
though it be martialed in endless battalions, cannot stand 
against an aroused moral sentiment. 

It constitutes one of the distinct sig^s of the times when a 
popular United States senator tours the country delivering to 
applauding audiences numbering thousands a lecture with the 
title " The Public Virtue a Question of Politics," and assert- 
ing from the standpoint of the statesman-politician that " the 
most serious perils besetting our institutions are moral perils," 
and that " democracy requires for its life fidelity to right 

If the pulpit of the present day is losing its relative pre- 
eminence in moral leadership it is because the political paper 
and the political stiunp are stealing its thunder. Among the 
two most effective preachers of righteousness at the present 
time — certainly the most widely beard — are the president of 
the United States and the opposing party's most popular can- 
didate for president. I have seen the report of a gentleman 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

154 The Ethical Factor in Politics. [Jan. 

who heard Governor Hughes's most recent political address. 
He affirms that the parts of the speech which were most ap- 
plauded were the parts which were most like preaching; that 
his appeal was distinctly moral and his affirmations emphati- 
cally ethical in substance. Can there be any intelligent 
dissent from the judgment which this "onlooker" expresses 
when he avers that no man can get the grip on the public 
Which President Roosevelt has, which Mr. Bryan manages 
to hold, and to which Mr. Hughes has come so quietly and so 
quickly, unless there is in him something of moral leadership? 

lAU this signifies that there is an undercurrent of assent in 
the popular mind to Senator DoUiver's proposition that the 
public virtue is a question of politics. While the American peo- 
ple do not, and never will, believe that it is any part of civil 
government to save men's souls, or that intrinsic moral char- 
acter can, in the nature of things, be produced by legislative 
enactment, they have, nevertheless, detected the fallacy that 
lurks in the oft-quoted aphorism "You cannot make men 
moral by act of parliament." They are rapidly learning by 
actual experience that law enactment and law enforcement 
working harmoniously do in actuality promote public morals, 
and check, and even in good measure repress, certain ob- 
trusive forms of immorality. 

It is a long-accepted and fundamental principle of law that 
the safety of the public morals is a primary concern of gov- 
ernment. The officials and courts of various states have 
alleged this as the ground of their decision against lotteries 
and prize-fights. The Kansas Supreme Court in the case of 
Kansas vs. Zlebold and Habelin, 123 U. S. Rep. 623-662, 
alleged, as one of the grounds of its decision, that ''public 
ftnorals . . . may be endangered by the general use of intoxi- 
cating drinks." 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Ethical T actor in Politics. 165 

The United States Supreme Court has repeatedly averred 
that "no legislature can bargain away the public morals," 
adding, in the case of Stone vs. Miss, that " the people them- 
selves cannot do it, much less their servants." Following the 
same principle, familiar to jurisprudence since the days of 
the Justinian Code and similarly expressed by many of our 
highest tribunals, the highest court of the State of New York, 
the Court of Appeals, has said : " Sound morality i7 the cor- 
ner-stone of the social edifice. Whatever disturbs that is 
condemned under the fundamental rule." 

In a country with such a spirit as we have been tracing 
supreme among the people, and with such a principle as that 
outlined above regnant in its fundamental law, what is to be 
the future political attitude toward unnecessary Sunday labor 
and toward professional pleasure-venders holding public 
spectacles for pay on the Sabbath-day ? The history of civili- 
zation has demonstrated that the decalogue lies at the founda- 
tion of the social structure, and that the law of a weekly day 
for physical rest and moral and spiritual refreshment is as 
inherent in the very constitution of human nature as either 
of the other nine. " Since," as Froude expresses it, ** our 
human laws are but copies more or less imperfect of the 
eternal laws as far as we can read them," enactments for the 
preservation of the Sabbath have gone upon civil statute- 
hocks and been repeatedly confirmed by civil courts; and since 
the trend of civil government is steadily toward increasing 
accord with the ethical standards of immutable law, we may 
be confident that the future will see both the enactment and 
the enforcement of such laws not diminished but augmented. 

The state need not be violently agitated when a group of 
boys play a Sunday game in a secluded lot, or a family party 
indulge in festivities out of harmony with Sabbath sanctities 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

156 The Ethical Factor in Politics. [Jan. 

in a private house, but when great throngs gather in public 
places to support a continuous institution the motive for 
whose maintenance on the part of professional players and 
actors and their financial backers is purely a business motive 
residing in gate receipts and ticket money, then the safet>' of 
the day involving the public welfare is at stake. 

There is in some quarters the need of a reminder that, 
while under our form of government the state has no alliance 
with churches as ecclesiastical organizations, it cannot afford 
not to welcome, and in decisions of its highest legal tribunals it 
has welcomed, the aid of religion in its function of fostering 
public safety through maintaining and promoting public 
morality. The state is not allied to the church; but it is the 
privilege and duty of the state to see to it that the church 
shall have a fair chance in ministering to the moral education 
of the people, which, especially in a democracy, is so essential 
to the perpetuity of the state itself. Indeed, it is now widely 
and gravely questioned whether the state should be expected 
to furnish the moral education adequate for citizenship, and 
whether it should not assume, if not invite, the cooperation of 
the institutions of religion in that department of public educa- 
tion. It might, therefore, even be claimed that the state is 
serving directly her own interest if on one day in the week 
she preserves for the church the right of way to the attention 
of the people. 

This digression led us away from a reference to Sunday 
theaters. If, now, it be a principle of civil law that the state 
" cannot bargain away the public morals," then, even on those 
days when the theater is licensed to run, the state has a right 
and a duty to interfere with the presentations of the stage that 
afford a mjorbid stimulus to crime or distinctly and flagprantly 
promote immorality by inflaming lustful appetite. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Ethical Factor in Politics. 167 

The foregoing ntay serve as specimiens of the truth that 
there is yet unworked ore in that vein of civil prerogative 
which Blackstone touches in his definition of municipal law, 
as " a rule of civil conduct prescribed by the supreme power 
in a state commanding what is right and prohibiting what is 

Politics has been inaptly called a game. It may be more 
exactly characterised as a warfare, in which there are the two 
forever contending forces — right and wrong. The battle- 
front fluctuates, now yielding, now advancing, but in the 
progress of our Anglo-Saxon civilization the changing loca- 
tion of the firing-line has moved steadily onward from one 
abandoned outpost to another before the superior might of 
right. Greed, g^aft, mere financial self-interest win skirmishes 
and tettipoTSLvy advantages. Moral principle wins all the de- 
cisive battles, which mark the permanent stages of political 

As it is the victorious general who is remembered, so the 
pK>liticians who occupy a high niche in history's wall are the 
leaders who were on the right side of great moral issues. 
There are still corrupt men in politics, but it is reassuring to 
consider what ethical standards of character are generally 
recog^zed as essential to fitness for high public office. 

This article began with Senator Ingalls's cynical reference 
to the decalogue and the Golden Rule. It shall end with a more 
recent mention of thenu by another political leader, whose re- 
markable influence in this nation is preeminently a moral 
influence. Says President Roosevelt, "Our whole movement 
is simply and solely to make the decalogue and the Golden 
Rule of some practical moment in the business life of the 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

158 Critical Notes. [Jan. 




The literature of the psychological analysis of religion con- 
tinues to growt, though it cannot be said that the additions are 
making any notable contributions to the subject. Professor 
James's "Varieties of Religious Experience" covered the 
subject so thoroughly, and gave such a mass of material, that 
it is likely that the new books for some time to come will do 
little else than thresh over the materials which are found kt 
that marvelous book. Professor Pratt frankly acknowledges 
his indebtedness to Professor James ; and, even if he had not, 
his book shows everywhere the influence of the Cambridge 

The present volume is suggestive on many accounts. For 
one thing it has a frank and straightforward tone, which is 
not dropped when he approaches the practical aspects of his 
views. Most of the psychologists either have not endeavored 
to define the practical outcome of their views, or, when they 
have approached a point where the practical application 
seemed to be the next thing, have avoided it But Pro- 
fessor Pratt knows where he is going, and does not hesitate 
to tell you about it; and for this reason his book, which is 
intended for untechnical as well as technical readers, will ap- 
peal to people who have little knowledge of psychologic 
science as such. Moreover, he writes a chapter on con- 
clusions which is but a practical application and illustration 
of the results of his point of view, and this too is exceptional. 

It has always seemed to the present writer that Coe and Star- 

» The Psychology of Religions Belief. By James B. Pratt, Ph.D., 
Assistant Professor in Williams College. 12mo. Pp. 327. New 
York: The Macmillan Company. $1.50. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Critical Notes. 159 

buck, and others like them, seemed afraid to face the practical 
results that were to be expected fromi their views. Doubtless 
this is not the case, but so it has seemed; and, for that reason. 
Professor Pratt* s book is likely to be more effective in clear- 
ing up minds that are beclouded on this matter, than were 
the volumes of the two authors just named. 

But the clarification likely to result is not likely, in the 
minds of many, to be in the acceptance of Professor Pratt's 
views, as will be shown presently. It is more likely to result 
in the defining of views, and the recogfnition of the fact that 
the one thing most needed now in the philosc^hdcal world is 
a new statement and announcement of a-priorism, and some 
fresh utterance upon the original powers of the human in- 
tellect. Physiological psychology and its various adjuncts 
have had their innings, and it is time we beard a little more 
of the other side, though the other side is not wanting ex- 
actly. The abandonment of the intellect and the intellectual 
judgments, the general discrediting of all forms of intellectual 
authority in religfion, was to be expected with the general on- 
slaught on creeds, and the general refusal to accept finalities 
from councils, synods, and bishops. Indeed, as far back as 
the publication of Kidd's " Social Evolution," it was seen 
that the battle was on between a form of religfious approach 
which was based on the intellect and that which bases itself 
on the emotions. 

It will be wjell, in reviewing Professor Pratt's book, to take 
his chapter on conclusions first, as showing certain things 
which lie on the very surface of this inquiry. He says that 
"there is a general reaction against uncritical acceptance of 
the authority of tradition in all fields of thought," and cites 
the changed political views and conceptions, in which the 
great state papers of American history are held as evidence 
of this fact, in politics as well as religion, philosophy, and 
science. And all these things he thinks are due to " psycho- 
logical atmosphere of the times." He thinks that any dis- 
position to hold to the fornner views of these documents is a 
symptcmi of the attitude of mind, which in religion may be 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

160 Critical Notes. [Jan. 

designated " the religion of primitive credulity." This is the 
main illustration in the closing chapter, as indicative of the 
changed attitude of mind in public matters. 

Now it so happens that just here we have the best possible 
opportunity of judging Professor Pratt's accuracy in judging 
what the current psychological forces are, and what they are 
producing, and it is hardly too miuch to say that he could not 
possibly have been more unfortunate in his choice and 
analysis than he is in this one. Whom would Professor Pratt 
choose in this land to-day as the clearest expositors of the 
sound political theory of democracy? Would he or not take 
men like the late Carl Schurz, like Moorfield Storey, like 
Professor Sumner, like Professor Laughlin, and others of this 
type? And yet these and a great many more like them, com- 
prising for the most part the soundest and most thorough- 
going students of political theory, are almost to a man agreed 
that the popular departure from the ideas of the Declaration 
of Independence, which Dr. Pratt styles of the nature of the 
"religion of primitive credulity," is one of the most de- 
plorable evidences, not of advancing thought, but lack of 
thought and power of discernment, which this country has 
ever seen. So far from abandoning the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence because it is no longer in accord with their political 
thought, it is rather because of their lack of thought that the 
masses have acted concerning these ideas as they have. The 
proof for this conclusion is also at hand. If the reaction from 
the doctrines of that great document wiere due to advanced 
thought, we should expect greater evidence of political inde- 
pendence and judgment. The critical attitude is universally 
accompanied by the extremes of individualism. But, as a 
matter of fact, side by side with the imperialism which has 
embarked on a colonial policy, now seen to be ruinous and 
utterly foolish, is the increased concentration of power in a 
single individual to the almost utter abandonment of some of 
the elementary ideas of democracy. There has been no time 
in the life of the present writer when political independence was 
less in vogue than now! No time when the president of the 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] CriticcU Nates. 161 

United States could have or would have dreamed of having 
so much power concentrated in him as is the case at the 
present moment! To hold that this results from the critical 
attitude of the newly awakened political intellect of the land 
is something little short of ludicrous. In fact, the very illus- 
tration which Dr. Pratt has chosen is the one which his op- 
ponents would most naturally have chosen with which to 
confute him. Party government, party subservience even by 
men who know better, never did their deadly work more 
eflfectively than now. Nor are the literati exempt in this very 
matter. A college professor not far from the beautiful spot 
where Professor Pratt himself has his locus wrote not so very 
long ago in a private letter, When a block of United States 
Steel was g^ven to the College, that he deplored it, since it 
made the dealing with certain forms of the tariff more diffi- 
cult and delicate, if it did not interdict them entirely. Even 
the literati are fearful of being individual and determinate as 
regards the present political conditions. If Professor Pratt 
can find no better practical illustration of awakened critical 
powers, he is sorely pressed indeed. 

But before we leave this part of the discussion, it might as 
well be said now, as at any time, that this field, one of the best 
for the study of the prevailing opinions and psychological 
conditions in the land, is almost entirely neglected by Pro- 
fessor Pratt. In Part II. of his book, where this subject might 
have been profitably considered, he ventures into a field for 
which he obviously lacks full equipment. In the matter of 
religious belief as it existed and exists among primitive peo- 
jrfes, as well as the religions of India and Israel, he has ob- 
viously accepted second-hand views, and has not allowed for 
great varieties of interpretation, which are not only equal in 
value but equally suggestive, whether soundly grounded or 
not. There is no department where greater uncertainty pre- 
vails at this moment than in the fundamental conceptions in- 
volved in the history of religions. There is in this part 
altogether a lack of all-round knowledge. Nobody who knows 
the Ausgangspunkt of modern literary criticism of the Bible, 
Vol. LXV. No. 267. 11 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

162 Critical Notes. (Jan. 

but knows also, that it is filled with stupidities and pedantries 
which are insufferable in anybody but higher critics, a fact 
which the critics themselves recognize. With the advanced 
critical views for the most part, the present writer has ab6(4ute 
sympathy. He believes in general in the work of the critics, 
and has absolutely nothing to fear from them or their work. 
But the naive assumptions of this portion of Professor Pratt's 
book and his ready acceptance of the dicta of just one form of 
higher criticism are almost as good a proof of the attitude 
involved in the religion of primitive credulity as is his ex- 
amination of the present status of the Eteclaration of Inde- 
pendence. It would not be absolutely fair to say that Part II. 
of this hock is valueless ; but it is fair to say that others have 
stated these views very much better than Professor Pratt has, 
and that students of the history of religion cannot help feeling 
that here the author merely recites the views of others which 
he has but partially assimilated. The views themselves are 
open to great criticism in many aspects. 

The technical part of the book is the best, though this also 
has a certain indefinable fragpnentary character, which makes 
it unsatisfactory in a way which is hard to define. Where the 
chapter becomes vital and deals with fundamental matters, we 
are met with a quotation from Professor James, or the thing 
emerges without having brought us anywhere. Professor 
Pratt is a believer in the religion of feeling; and, reduced to 
towest terms, his position is about as follows : All intdlectual 
processes are necessarily more or less faulty, and, since none 
of them can be infallible, no enduring religion can be based 
upon them. That is to say, a religion which is primarily in- 
tellectual must be a religion of authority, and a religion of 
authority is substantially impossible. The "religion of 
thought" can never have the attribute of finality, which is 
essential to religion. Belief as such is not a matter of evi- 
dence, but of a psychological process, of which it may be 
affirmed in general that the subject will believe as mtuch as he 
can. What he believes and why he believes are accidents 
rather than results of choice. Hence the "religion of 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Criticai Notes. 

thought " is untenaWe. The stages preceding |he " reiigion 
of thought " are grouped under the title " religion of primitive 
credulity," alre^idy alluded to above. It is merely the diild- 
like and uncritical acceptance of what one is t(rid, and docs 
not involve scrutiny nor the critical faculties. The abiding 
form of religion is "the rdigion of feeling/' which is, in 
eflFect, some personal experience, in which the only evidence 
is personal experience and which cannot be subjected to re- 
view or critidsm. What form it takes depends upon circinn- 
stances; but, being inward and personal, " it is not subject to 
the law of the mind, neither indeed can it be," to paraphrase a 
well-known passage from St. Paul. Under this view the 
Bible will still be interesting, but not authoritative; and, in 
general, religion will be simply the personal expression of 
some form of devotion. His position is admirably summed 
up in the statement in the conclusion : " In abandoning rea- 
son as the suflSdent basis for religion, we are forced bade on 
the region of feeling and of instinctive and unreasoned de- 
roands and intuitions. Here must Religion take up her stand 
and make her fight. From this quarter she must draw her 
chief suK>lies or be starved into surrender." 

The most striking fact about this general position is that it 
leaves so many loopholes that one can scarcely know where to 
b^n. Take, for example, the historical facts oi Christianity, 
whatever one holds them to be. The history of the litwary 
documents is surely a matter of evidence, is it not? And after 
the documents have been subjected to the test by which evi- 
dence is judged, there remiains again the evidence of the 
validity of the material of the documents themselves. What 
becomes of a religion of feeling merely, when we are dealing 
with matters of evidence? Now, to be sure, absolute certainty, 
like the certainty which can be obtained in a problem in 
geometry, is not to be obtained in anything but the pure 
sdences; but surdy the facts of rdigpon, especially of a re- 
ligion like Omstianity, must involve certain intdlectual con- 
ceptions of religion per se by which we go about discussing 
the evidence for or against a rdigion. And if any intellectual 

Digitized b^VjOOQlC 

164 Critical Nates. [Jan. 

basis of religfion is to be found whatever, it must be a basis 
which is grounded in the use of the reason. Doubtless there 
is an ultra-rational element that enters into the personal 
acceptance of any faith, and which arises probably in what we 
call the religious feeling. But to assume, from this fact, that 
there can be no sufficient basis in reason for religion, is simply 
to turn the religious life into bedlam. And bedlam it is, where 
the rational limitations which are everywhere discernible in 
the New Testament are discarded. And to the modem bedlam 
nothing has contributed more than the prattle about the 
psychological basis of religion. There is probably no sect that 
could subscribe more readily to Professor Pratt's doctrine 
than the Christian Scientists, — one more of the curious 
phenomena of an age " whose critical faculties are alert," and 
whose " skeptical instincts " are rejecting everything right and 
left which savors of authority! As a matter of fact, here 
again. Professor Pratt has not read the signs of the times 
aright. Credulity flourishes in this very age as it probably 
never has; and, oddly enough, it was Professor James who 
appeared before a committee of the Massachusetts Legislature 
in opposition to a law which forbade the practice of the heal- 
ing art by Christian Scientist practitioners, without previous 
examination by the State Board of Health. The same thing 
is true when one examines the enormous output of " fake " 
medicines, the wholesale quackery on every side. These peo- 
ple, according to the " psychological atmosphere of the times '* 
as described by Professor Pratt, have thrown "authority'' 
overboard. Indeed they have, rational authority. But they 
are one seven times more subjects of superstition, and have 
abandoned reason in religion and medicine and almost every- 
thing else, quite to the fulfillment of Professor Pratt's theory. 
Thus in medical practice, as in political practice, we have ex- 
actly similar phenomena, — ^the abandonment of rational 
standards of reason as the basis of religion, accompanied by 
the most grotesque and absurd forms of superstition 1 Dean 
Briggs thinks the same phenomena can be seen in the theories 
of education ; and thus these three fields— education, nwdicine. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] CriticcU Notes. 165 

and religion — afford at the present time a very fair illustration 
of the way " feeling " works as a practical standard. Not 
that religious feeling is not a real thing, and capable of 
analysis, and that it has not a form of authority, which is as 
true and vital as the reason itself. For terms of personal 
contentment and personal inward satisfaction, it is probably 
paramount. 'The present writer has so contended in an article 
to which Professor Pratt's book refers. But to properly esti- 
mate and give due weight to the feeling in religion, is not to 
abandon the reason. That very feeling itself must come under 
the critical scrutiny of the reason. 

It is, however, when Professor Pratt comes to deal with this 
matter in relation to belief, that its utter inadequacy is best 
imderstood. Belief is itself a total of many elements; and a 
belief which did not have a rational basis, one grounded in 
reason, would soon disappear. It is doubtless true that many 
of the things which the present age has rejected have lost their 
rational force. It is doubtless a mistake, and a serious one, 
that some teachers are trying to force intellectual assent to 
things which cannot be rationally justified or even made rea- 
sonably attractive. But this is very far removed from the 
abandonment of the reason. And to imagine that a religion 
which rests upon unreasoning and unreasoned instincts can 
ever be in any real sense a religion is to ignore the history of 
religion entirely. It is here that Professor Pratt's inadequacy 
to the subject appears. That the intuitions are to have a 
larger place than the prevailing philosophy allows them must 
be admitted. Indeed that is the great present need. But to 
suppose that this again involves the rejection of reason in 
religion is a very mistaken point of view. Professor Pratt 
seems to hold that belief is a thing which can be manufactured 
to order, and that it can be taken up or rejected according to 
will. Now the " will to believe " can do many and wonderful 
things. But for the most part it has been exhibited under 
conditions distinctly pathological. And this " will to believe " 
in practical operation is really, for the most part, a diseased 
state, which cannot be properly reckoned into any sound ex- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

166 Critical Notes. [Jan. 

amination of religion. If Professor Pratt will look into the 
history of the Romantic School in Germany, and will go care- 
fully into the lucubrations of the men like Tieck, Schlegel, 
Schleiermacher, and Hardenburg, especially the story of 
" Lucinde," both in the literature of the time and in real life, he 
will see what a sorry emergence the unchecked primacy of feel- 
ing produced. In fact the Danish critic Brandes discusses this 
very question in his chapter on " Romantic Duplication and 
Psychology," and this is his estimate : " Since the Ego is not 
an innate but an acquired conception, founded upon an asso- 
ciation of ideas, which has to maintain itself against constant 
attacks of sleep, dreams, imaginations, hallucinations, and 
mental derangement, it is by its nature exposed to manifold 
dangers. Just as disease is ever lying in wait for our bodies, 
60 madness lies in wait at the threshold of the Ego, and every 
now and again we bear it knock. It is of this correct psycho- 
logical theory that the Romanticists, though they do 

not define it scientifically, nevertheless have a presentiment. 
Dreams, dipsomania, hallucinations, madness, all the powers 
which disintegrate the Ego, which disconnect its links, are 
their familiar friends. Read, for instance, Hoffmann's tale, 
'The Golden Jar,' and you will hear voices issue from the 
apple-baskets, and the leaves and flowers of the elder-tree sing; 

you will see the door-knocker making faces, etc We 

»eem to see man's spiritual life spread and split itself up fan- 
wise into musical high and low spirits." We see Tieck, he 
says again, "composing dramas like so many puzzle-balls," 
and Kierkengaard "fitting one author inside another in 
Chinese-box fashion on the strength of the theory that truth 
can only be imparted indirectly," and so on to the end of the 
chapter. And he adds, " The human being is only a g^oup 
held more or less firmly together by association of ideas, and 
as a mind he is a complete whole ; in his will all the elements 
of the mind are united." The simple truth is, that these men 
became priests of obscurantism in religion, in art, in literature, 
in everything they touched, but they furnish the finest ex- 
amples known of the primacy, that is the unchecked primacy. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Critical Notes. 167 

of feeling, to the debasement and abandonntent of reason. 
These are the men who sneered and disparaged Lessing, 
Schiller, Goethe, and all the rest of the noble rational galaxy 
who have made Germany the nation of thinkers she is. 

It would be quite unfair to give the impression that Pro- 
fessor Pratt does not see the possibility of these things, for he 
says that " the religion of feeling, in its calmer, more refined, 
more normal condition, must not be confused with its extremes 
and its excrescences." He knows that there have been patho- 
logical mystics ; but what he does not seem clearly to perceive 
is that the moment the religion of feeling becomes supreme in 
the public thought, it instantly does go to extremes, and we 
have at once the very manifestations which he deplores. And 
every historical reaction from stiflFness and sterility in the in- 
tellectual conception of religion which has accentuated the 
«notions has resulted in just the crudities and excrescences 
which Professor Pratt does not see are the usual concomitants 
of emotional religion. It is only when these reactions have 
been dealt with on their intellectual side, that reasoned advance 
has been made and religion has progressed. The emotional 
reactions have flared up and gone out; and, while some 
increment did result to the religious life, it was, as a rule, 
evanescent because it was not reasoned advance. The history 
of revivals shows this ; and, where the advance is a sound one, 
it is merely the bringing up of an intellectual reserve which 
had not previously uttered itself publicly. 

Professor Pratt's closing words about the absence of men 
from the churches are peculiarly wanting in full understand- 
ing of the problem. And it is hardly quite worthy of a 
Williams College professor to call the sale of Hamack's 
"Wesen des Christenthtmis " and Delitzsch's "Babel und 
Bibel " evidence of an " atmosphere laden with interest in re- 
ligious questions." Hamack's book sold 60,000 copies and 
Delitzsch's 100,000, but Dr. William "Chloroform" Osier's 
" Principles and Practice of Medicine " sold, according to a 
trade report, over 105,000 copies I Does this indicate that the 
" psychological atmosphere " is laden with interest in medical 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

168 Critical Notes. [Jan. 

questions ? On this theory, no feeling is necessary at all. We 
need only to get the trade reports of the best sellers! The 
reasons why men are not in the churches are many; and, it 
Professor Pratt will accept the results of a questionaire which 
the present writer made some years ago in Boston in which 
replies were received from nearly five hundred men, he will 
probably be surprised when he is told that the cost figured in 
one form and another in three-fourths of the replies. The 
economics of church-going have not received the attention 
which they will receive sometime ; and in the present industrial 
conditions and the prevailing economic system will be found 
the explanation of many things which Professor Pratt, with 
many others, seems to imagine are due to changed views of 
the Bible and religion. In fact, many years of a ministry, 
which has been peculiarly a ministry to and with and among 
men, has convinced the present writer that the intellectual 
changes have had the very least to d6 with the matter. As a 
rule the intellectual questions which have to do with faith and 
religion and their acceptance and rejection are discussed more 
freely in the churches than anywhere else. And of late many 
churches have themselves opened their own doors as a forum 
to their opponents. But this has not been the matter at all. 
In this review it is not the purpose to discuss that question, 
but it will suffice to say that Professor Pratt gives no intinu- 
tions of knowing the elements of that question. 

But he has written a book which is frank, straightforward, 
open, and without reserve. He states what he thinks with no 
appearance of dreading consequences or regret at having to 
leave behind something which he is sorry to lose. In short it 
is a true transcript of his heart as well as his nrind, and there- 
fore will be a book of influence, and will cause thinking con- 
cerning the problem which it discusses. As such it is to be 
welcomed. It will probably be true, as he says, that " spiritual 
insight will be recognized as the only sure basis of religious 
belief": but spiritual insight will have to include history, 
historical evidence, the rise and determination of the norm of 
religious judgment and praxis, and the establishment of 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Critical Notes. 169 

standards which will create and maintain not mathematical but 
moral authority, which while not dictatorial will nevertheless 
in effect be final. Such authority will tend to be crystallized 
in objective symbols, the chief one for the Christian being the 
Bible. And while this, like all other symbols, will be but a 
symbol, subject to the correctional judgment, and conscience, 
and experience of the church, it will continue to represent 
substantially the final authority for the faith and practice of 
Christian men. 
Salem, Mass. 'A. A. Berle. 

THE ''fourth day"' IN GENESIS. 

The peculiarities of the "fourth day" in Genesis (i. 14- 
19) have often been wondered at, and various efforts have 
been made to explain them. For one thing, no life is men- 
tioned. This, however, need occasion no difficulty. The life 
of the preceding period had perished at the beginning of this 
one, and the life of this period had likewise been blotted out 
long before man appeared on the earth. Some exceptions 
there were; but exceptions can be ignored in general state- 
ments. Working with a limited vocabulary and knowing 
nothing of these early forms of life, the author of Genesis 
could hardly be expected to improvise anything on the sub- 
ject. These forms did not concern him. The renewal of life 
which took place in his " fifth day " did concern him, and he 
appears to have treated that part of his work with due 
accuracy. A concise popular general statement concerning 
creation is not the same thing as a modern geological treatise, 
and it is unfair to assume that it is, or to be too exacting 
about minor details. The author is therefore justified in 
omitting all mention of life. He confines his attention to a 
single astronomical change, — the completion of the present 
arrangement of the heavenly bodies with respect to the sea- 
sons, the days, and the nights. Some fundamental alteration 
in the solar system) seems to be implied, and we know that it 
wtis a period of convulsions and cataclysms. Tracing the 
action of the tides back analytically. Sir George Darwin came 
to the conclusion a few years ago that the earth and the moon 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

170 Critical Notes. [Jan. 

were once a single pear-shaped body rotating in abont five 
hours. AstroncMny now confirms this hypothesis, as Dr. 
Lowell has recently shown;* for in no other way could the 
surface of the moon have obtained its present roughness, 
which indicates an amount of original heat out of all propor- 
tion to its mass. If it broke away from the earth after both 
were fairly cool, as present conditions seem to indicate; an 
explanation has been found for much more than the con- 
dition of the moon's exterior, since it may now be possible to 
account for the presence of so much land in the Northern 
Hemisphere, for the disturbances and heat which produced 
our mines of anthracite and graphite, for the fluctuations in the 
earth's crust which formed the mountains of this period, for 
the destruction of Paleozoic life, and in all probability for the 
strange inclination of the earth's axis to the plane of the 
ecliptic. Instead of contradicting the nebular hypothesis, then, 
as he has been accused of doing, Moses has met its deeper re- 
quirements in a most remarkable way. Present relations in 
the solar systemi cannot antedate the separation of the earth 
and the moon. They were impossible before that time. A 
five-hour period of rotation, if that supposition is correct, 
when combined with the other conditions of that remote day, 
would preclude all such seasons and time relations as we now 
have, and their establishment might easily be considered as 
the completion of the solar S)rstem. Although we knowi better, 
we still say that the sun rises and sets, and it behooves us to 
be reasonable. What we may well ask, is. How did Moses 
come to make such a statement at this particular point? 
Cambridge, Mass. H. W. Magoun. 


Great interest has been aroused among biblical scholars by 
the recent discovery of three Aramaic papyri found at Ele- 
phantine, near the First Cataract of the Nile. They prove 
to have been written only twenty-four years after Nehemiah's 

»The Century, Nov., 1907, pp. 122 ff. , 

• Condensed f nnn an article by the Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D., in the 
Guardian, November 6, 1907. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Cntical Notes. lU 

second visit to Jerusalem (432 B.C.), and bring us nearer to 
the Old Testament than any inscription hitherto discovered. As 
Professor Driver remarks, " w^e are sensible, as we read theml, 
of being in an atmosphere very similar to that into which wc 
are brought by the (Aramaic letters and edicts in Ezra vii. 
11-26 (B.C. 458) ; iv. 11-16; 17-22 (shortly before B.C. 444) ; 
and even by the earlier ones of Ezra v. 6-17 ; vi. 2-12 (b.c. 
620)." These " have just been published by Dr. Sachau, Pro- 
fessor of Semitic Languages, and Director of the Oriental 
Seminary, at Berlin (Drei Aramaische Papyrus-urkunden aus 
Elephantine, Berlin, 1907, with many valuable notes). These 
doctmients were found in a chamber of a house excavated 
from under the mound, which now marks the site of the 
ancient Elephantine." 

**The first of the papyri consists of thirty lines, written as 
the facsimile shows, in a clear and bold hand. It is a petition 
addressed by the colony of Jews at Elephantine to Bagolii — 
the Bagoas of Josephus — ^the Persian Governor of Judah, to 
crave his intervention on their behalf. The 'temple of the 
God Yahu ' — of course, Yahw^h, or, in the pronunciation with 
which we are more familiar, Jehovah — in Elephantine, in 
which they worshiped the God of their fathers, and to which 
they were intensely devoted, had, to their great sorrow, been 
destroyed ; and they ask Bagohi's intervention and assistance to 
g«et it rebuilt. . . . From the description here given, it is evi- 
dent that it was a substantial and handsomie building, with 
pillars of stone, and seven stone gates. It was used not, like 
a synagogue, for prayer only, but also for sacrifice; it had 
an altar, upon which burnt-offerings, meal-offerings, and 
frankincense were regularly offered; mention is also made 
of gold and silver bowls, bearing the same name as those 
used in the Temple at Jerusalem, for tossing the sacrificial 
bkxKl against the sides of the altar." 

From the narrative it appears that the " Jewish colony had 
been settled in Elephantine, and their Temple had been built 
there, for more than 120 years, from before the conquest of 
Egypt by Cambyses in B.C. 625. When Cambyses entered 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

172 Critical Notes. [Jan. 

Egypt, he observed the same goodwill towards the Jews there 
which his father Cyrus had shown towards the Jews of Baby- 
lon ; the temples of the gods of Egypt had been destroyed by 
him, the temple of Jehovah had not been touched. But 
three years before the date of the petition, in 411, when Arsam 
— probably the Arxamles, mentioned by Ctesias as Governor 
of Egypt when Darius II. became King (in 424) — had gone 
for some reason to the Persian Court, the priests of the ram^ 
headed Egyptian god Chnub took advantage of his absence to 
bribe Waidrang, who was chief in command at Elephantine, 
to destroy the Temjple of the Jews. Waidrang . . . thereupon 
summoned his son, who was commander of the garrison in 
Syene, on the opposite side of the Nile ; and he came with a 
body of troops, who ruthlessly destroyed the fabric of the 
Temple, and appropriated the gold and silver vessels, and 
other articles of value belonging to it, themselves. The Jews 
had at the time sent a letter to Bagohi, and also to Jehohanan 
(the Johanan of Neh. xii. 22), the high-priest at Jerusalem, 
and his brother Ostan or Anani, and the nobles of Judah, for 
assistance, but had received no reply. Since its destruction, 
naturally, no sacrifices could be offered in the Temple, and 
the Jews in their trbuble had mourned and fasted and prayed 
to Yahu continuously. Their prayers had to some extent been 
answered, for some disaster had overtaken Waidrang, he had 
lost his possessions, the Egyptians who had wished evil 
against the Temple were slain, and the Jews (in Biblical 
phrase) had ' seen their desire upon them.' 

"The Temple, however, still remained in ruins, and the 
Jews had no permission to rebuild it. They pray Bagohi, 
therefore to send authority to Egypt enabling them to do this. 
'And they promise, if he does so, to offer sacrifices in his name 
in the restored Temple, to pray for his welfare, and to gp:ant 
him a fixed payment on all the sacrifices offered in it. They 
seem, however, to hint to Bagohi that they have arranged to 
make him a present for his good services (so Professor 
Sachau). They have also, they add, sent to interest Delaiah 
and Shelemiah, the sons of Sanballat, the Governor of 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Critical Nates. 173 

Samaria, the well-known opponent of Nehemiah, in their be- 
half. In conclusion, as if to remove any difficulty which 
Bagohi might feel in acting contrary to a colleague, they 
assure him that Arsam, the Persian Governor of Egypt, had 
no knowledge of what had been done to them." Their petition 
was successful. 

" It is surprising to find that there wtas a Temple in Egypt 
in which sacrifice was offered for more than a hundred years. 
The famous Temple at Leontopolis, in the Delta, built by the 
high priest Onias III. between 170 and 160 B.C., after his 
deposition by Antiochus Epiphanes, in imitation of the Temple 
at Jerusalem, had a precedent which, till this discovery at Ele- 
phantine, was entirely unsuspected. Who were the original 
founders of the colony at Elephantine? Were they refugees 
of the Ten Tribes? Or were they Jews who had found a 
home in Egypt after the destruction of Jerusalem by the 
Chaldeans in 586 ? The Jews in Egypt (including * Pathros,' 
the ' Land of the South ' — ^Upper Egypt) are severely de- 
nounced by Jeremiah (ch. xliv.) for their idolatry, and 
especially for their devotion to the Queen of heaven, and de- 
struction is foretold for them ; but there may have been some 
among them who were still faithful to the God of their 
fathers. Whatever the origin of the colony, which before 
525 B.C. had penetrated 400 miles south of the modem Cairo, 
and established itself at Elephantine, its members did not feel 
with their brethren in Palestine, or deem themselves bound by 
the law of Deuteronomy (ch. xii.), which prohibited sacrifice 
of every kind except at the Temple of Jerusalem. Professor 
Sayce has remarked that they could claim for their altar the 
sanction of Isaiah (xix. 19). It is, however, important to 
observe that the prophet's vision is not of a Jewish altar in 
Egypt in the midst of a heathen population, but gives ex- 
pression to the loftier ideal of the devotion of the entire 
Egyptian people to Jehovah (see vv. 21, 23-25)." 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

X74 Notices of Recent Publications. [Jan. 



Christian Theology in Outline. By Wiluam Adams 
Brown, Ph.D., D.D. Pp. 468. New York: Charles 
Scribner's Sons. 

It is no trifling task, as the world has been gdng, to produce 
a work on Christian theology and have it deal sympathetically 
and fairly both with the past and the present. And yet the 
theologian can have no real message and no excuse for 
Wiriting in the present drift who is not modern, and certainly 
no less who has no deep insight into the permanent Christian 
values as these lie back in the historical treasures of the 
church. The strength and charm of Dr. Brown's book lie in 
its possessing in an unusual degree historical insight, breadth, 
and modernity. His knowledge of present thought has en- 
abled him to deal with the fundamental and often puzzling 
questions of personal religion, philosophical speculation, and 
modern science in a way that is not only helpful but assuring ; 
while his profound respect for the objective realities of re- 
ligion is in striking contrast on one hand to those who see no 
need of readjustments, and on the other to those who see in the 
past only a series of worthless rubbish-heaps. The book is not 
at all dogmatic, but expository and analytical, an orderly sum- 
mation of well-thought-out reasons presented in a faultlessly 
clear style. The result is one of the best books for the modem 
student that have yet appeared. 

He makes six great divisions of his subject : The Postulates 
of Christian Theology; The Christian Idea of God; The 
Christian View of the World; Man and his Sin; Salvation 
through Christ; The Christian Life. An appendix, of 28 
pages, contains a valuable classified Bibliography. A few 
brief quotations will show the poise and freshness of his 
work : — 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notices of Recent Publications. 175 

" SyBtematlc Theology Is conoemed cmly with the permanent ele- 
ments in Christian truth. In determining what these are the system- 
atic theologian finds his freedom. . . . The preparatory disciplines 
which affect Systematic Theology most directly are Biblical Theology, 
Symbolics, and History of Doctrine, since these give the form in which 
the Christian convictions have received systematic expression in the 
past .... The systematic theologian cannot go back of their results 
save as he himself becomes a historian or an ezegete" (p. 5). 

'* The Christ of the New Testament is not simply the man of Naza- 
reth, but the preSxistent Logos, the Word that lighteth every man 
that Cometh into the world. Either one must be prepared to break 
with historic Christianity altogether and banish large parts of the 
New Testament from their place in our public worship, or else we 
must be able to give some rational account of the presence of the 
metaphysical element in early Christian theology and of its signifi- 
cance for the present life of the Church " (p. 158 f.). 

** The Insight that the God of redemption was at the same time the 
Creator assured the divineness of the present world, and so gave 
unity and consistency to Christian thought The choice was not, as 
is often represented, between the Logos doctrine and simple faith, 
but betwe^i a philosophy which made the Christian Qod master of 
the world, and one which set the two side by side as rival powers " 
<p. 181). 

"Creation affirms the real existence of the world for Qod; provi- 
dence expresses its dependence upon him ; miracle evidences its adap- 
tation to the Christian God. . . . Any view of the origin and develop- 
ment of the Universe which Is consistent with its dependence upon the 
Christian God and its adaptation to his purpose satisfies the require- 
ment of Christian faith" (pp. 211, 213). 

One is, however, surprised to find only three and a half 
pages given to the closing topic, The Christian View of the 
Final Consummation. But as nothing is said or implied of 
the possibility of a persistence in evil, as well as a perfecting 
of those who are progressing Godwlard, this mtety be space 
enough for this easy part of the subject. It is much more 
pleasant, if not exactly historical, to omit that very serious side 
of human destiny : — 

** When all have come, through Christ, to the same knowledge and 
love of the Father which we see in him, then the goal of the Chris- 
tian life wUl have been reached; so far as it is possible to speak of 
finality at all In a life which Involves, both for the individual and 
for society, boundless possibilities of progress. The social consumma- 
tion Is that far-olf divine event of which Paifl speaks In 1 Oorln- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

176 Notices of Recent Publications. [Jan. 

thians XY. 28, when Christ, his mediatorial worlt complete, shall sur- 
render his authority to the Father that God may be all in all" 
(p. 423). 

But did Paul ever dream of setting aside the more explicit 
and decisive view which Christ himself gave of the Final 
Consummation as a double one? 

Albert T. Swing. 

Unbelief in the Nineteenth Century. A Critical History. 
By Henry C. Sheldon. Pp. 399. New York: Eaton & 
Mains. $2.00, net. 

From his position in Boston University, Professor Sheldon 
is doing for American thought a similar work to that done so 
admirably in their respective positions by Professor George 
P. Fisher and Dr. Philip Schaff. Professor Sheldon's pre- 
vious contributions in the field of the external and the internal 
history of the church are filled out by this more specific 
treatise on the unbelief of the past hundred years. It is a sub- 
ject worthy of the very best treatment, and Professor 
Sheldon's book is worthy of the subject. He is to be com- 
mended in that he has so successfully subordinated criticism 
to " compact and accurate exposition." The better day we have 
been looking for in the theological world seems to be coming. 
The book is immensely more valuable for this reason. This 
correct method has by no means interfered with, but made 
more forceful, the author's exceedingly valuable positive con- 
tribution to the Christian apologetic. He has rendered a 
service to broad scholarship, while establishing the grounds 
which are sane and reassuring against a decidedly radical 
trend in our modem world. 

Although the book is primarily adapted for the student of 
theology, the author's clear and non-technical style will make 
the subjects easily understood by the general reader. It is a 
scholar's contribution to the g^eat reading public, who in these 
days know none too much of the movements of thought of 
our own generation, and the historical sources out of which 
these have sprung. All will appreciate this list of yrriters, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notices of ReceiU Publications. 177 

the abundant extracts from themi, and the author's calm but 
often pungent review to which these are here submitted. 
Whether his optimistic view of the general situation is entirely 
justifiable there may be some question. Many present trends 
are certainly ominous, and the early years of the twentieth 
century may see a greater shift from the early historical and 
evangelical basis before a saner and more scientific conserva- 
tive reaction sets in. Professor Sheldon's clear and reassuring 
voice is not superfluous. 

The first division of the book treats of Philosophical 
Theories, — of Radical Idealism; Sensationalism and Material- 
ism ; Positivism ; Agnostic and Antitheistic Evolution ; and of 
Pessimism. Part Second is devoted to Quasi-Scientific, 
Theological, and Ethical Theories. The book closes with a 
presentation of some of the most important Critical Theories, 
— of the Gospel Histories; of the Life of Jesus; and of the 
recent Radical Criticismi of the Old and New Testaments. 

Albert T. Swing. 

History of English Congregationalism. By R. W. Dale, 
D.D., LL.D. Completed and Edited by A. W. W. Dale. 
Pp. 787. New York: A. C. Armstrong and Son. 1907. 
$4.00, net. 

Those who have awaited this book with large expectations 
will not be disappointed. Dr. Dale had pven to this task the 
last years of his life, and had brought its main features al- 
most to completion. The large amount of detail work remain- 
ing and the finishing touches have come from his son, A. W. 
W. Dale. The book is a worthy monument to the father and 
a credit to the scrupulous care and good judgment of the son. 
Especially does the service of the editor show itself in the 
fullness of the historical references which make the book an 
invaluable storehouse of information. In appreciation of his 
labors one can gpive full weight to his quiet remark that 
" easier access to the British museum would have saved many 
a wasted hour." 

This book will do in a fuller sense for the history of English 
VoL LXV. No. 257. 12 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

178 Notices of Recent Publications. [Jan. 

and American Congregationalism what the labors of Dr. 
Dexter earlier had beg^n. One finds here amiple recognition 
and use of the work of others, but yet the author goes his own 
way, and has his own independent judgment on all the inter- 
esting and sometimes intricate historical questions; as, e.g., 
the character of Robert Browne. The first division of the 
book is the shortest one, given to the statement of the Con- 
gregational conception of the church. Divisions two to four 
cover English Congregationalism under Elizabeth; from 
Elizabeth to the Restoration ; and from the Restoration to the 
RevoluticMi. Division five rounds out the subject to the death 
of George III. (1820). The concluding division (of 145 
pages) brings the history down to 1891. While not graph- 
ically written, the facts and principles are so admirably stated 
that they blend into a story more fascinating than any novel to 
the student of modem religious history. The book is not only 
invaluable to the historical student, but should be in the hands 
of every layman who wishes an insight into the most sig- 
nificant movement in modern times, — the development of 
religious and political liberty. a. t. s. 

A Short History of American Presbyterianism, from its 
Foundations to the Reunion of 1869. Pp. 207. Philadelphia : 
Presbyterian Board of Publication and Sabb^th-schocJ 

This is by no means a child's sketch, nor is it a systematic 
text-book. Its 207 pages are made up of three monographs 
of a decidedly mature nature, which are of value, as a compre- 
hensive risumi of important movements, for students and 
intelligent laymjen. The period from the founding of the 
Presbyterian Church in America to the outbreak of the 
Revolutionary War is covered by Dr. Alexander McGill of 
Princeton. The period of the Revolution to the Adoption of 
the Presbyterian Form of Government in 1786, is well pre- 
sented by Professor Hopkins of Auburn Seminary. Dr. 
Wilson of Western Theological Seminary covers the ground 
from the " Adoption " to the Reunion of 1869. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notices of Recent Publications. 179 

Rudolf Eucken's Philosophy of Life. By W. R. Boyce 
Gibson, Lecturer in Philosophy at the University of Lon- 
don. Second Edition. Pp. viii, 182. London: Adam and 
Charles Black. 1907. 3s. 6d., net. 

It is far from complimentary to the British philosophic mind 
that it has been so painfully slow to discover the merits of a 
philosopher like Professor Eucken, of Jena. For there is not 
in the world to-day a more illuminated thinker, in certain im- 
portant respects, than Eucken, as a very few of us long ago 
discovered. But the times of this ignorance are now passed, 
thanks to Mr. Gibson's painstaking and most admirable ex- 
position. Within the limits he has sht for himself, the work 
is astonishingly well done, as those who know Eucken's work 
at first-hand will be the first to appreciate. If we must be 
critical of one or two matters, it will only be after saying that 
his execution, in whole, can scarcely be too highly praised. 
He has done a very real service to English and American 

The work consists of ten chapters, in which "the new 
Idealism" is set forth and appraised by Mr. Gibson, who 
takes Eucken's philosophy as a rallying-point for all idealistic 
eflfort. In this it seems to me he is sanguine to a quite im- 
possible degree. There is neither wisdom nor virtue in absurd 
expectations from those who are jdned to the idols of Neo- 
Hegelian forms of idealism. One may as well know the 
philosophical world he lives in as any other, and be under no 
illusions. This does not make Eucken's system any the less 
meritorious. No attempt is here going to be made to follow 
so rich and suggestive a system ; readers of the Bibliotheca 
Sacra are referred to the work itself for such knowledge. 
But it is necessary to point out some of Eucken's chief claims 
to attention. 

One of these is his disciplined knowledge of the history of 
philosophy, and another is his mental elevation. In this latter 
aspect he contrasts with many of our best dialecticians and 
discursive reasoners, whose work, moving mostly in the 
region of the senses and the understanding, often remains 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

180 Notices of Recent Publications, [Jan. 

but little illumined. That is to say, the higher insights of the 
soul — of a more than merely mental perception — ^are often 
in such thinkers painfully wanting. The merit of Eucken 
largely lies in the fact that he is so much more than merely 
intellectual in his cast of thought. His philosophical horizon 
has widened with his moral altitudes and spiritual ascents, 
and there are those among us who think the weakest side of 
modern philosophical writing lies in the direction just indi- 
cated. It is not in the least necessary — it is for many of us quite 
impossible — to accept Eucken's system en bloc in order to be 
able to appreciate him as he deserves. That man is not 
much of a philosopher who is to-day fond of espousing other 
people's systems, instead of thinking out his own relation to 
the world problems. And no culmination in " irrationalism " 
of any sort could be for us a satisfactory issue. 

The parts of Mr. Gibson's work that have least favorably 
impressed me are, the first chapter and the appendix on 
"Activism." As to the former, it seems to me not a very 
wise or even fair thing to extract certain admissions of defect 
or incidentally inadequate treatment from a thinker, and set 
these in the foreground of an exposition before the system 
itself in its strength and symmetry has been shown. The 
discountings might surely have come later, after the thinker 
in his positive and worthful message had been introduced. 
In passing, I think Mr. Gibson exaggerates the loss to 
Eucken's teaching from lack of fuller attention to psychology. 
The defect is not disputed, but I doubt the extent of the loss, 
which the lack of a more concrete and functional treatment of 
consciousness has involved, as part of a somewhat fashionable 
tendency to-day to expect more at times from psychology than 
it can possibly yield. Once more: Mr. Gibson's exposition 
does not always hang very consistently together ; for example 
(p. 18), he quotes approvingly a not specially lofty or 
illumined passage from a writer who says "the effective re- 
former must find his fulcrum for raising society in things as 
they are. He ntust live within the world if he is to make it 
better, and arm himself with its powers in order to conquer 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notices of Recent Publications, 181 

it." Compare with that the passage on page 174: "It is 
hopeless, from the level of the given, to attempt any mutual 
adjustment of these opposing powers, for the standpoint from 
which to control the adjustment must lie beyond the given. 
Nothing can be controlled from a point on its own surface. 
Archimedes cannot move the world except from a fulcrum 
outside it," and further, " our only course is to ... . win our 
way slowly forwards and inwards beyond the given." Surely 
a " fulcrum " that must be inside and outside, at one and the 
same time, is in a bad way ! 

The Appendix on Eucken's philosophy as an " Activism " 
has excellent things in it, but despite all endeavors to main- 
tain the independence of the spiritual life, we are left with an 
uneasy feeling that the tendency to subjectivism is so great 
as to leave no proper and adequate room for justice to the 
crass world of objective reality. Surely an idealistic system 
will always be judged by its way of dealing justly and ade- 
quately by the great facts of objectivity. 

The work, however, is so rich, suggestive, and stimulating 
that it is cordially recommended to all readers interested in its 
great themes — freedom and the spiritual life. 

Kilmarnock, Scotland, James Lindsay. 

The Religious Conception of the World: An Essay in 
Constructive Philosophy. By Arthur Kenyon Rogers, 
Ph.D., Professor of Philosophy in Butler College: author 
of "A Brief Introduction to Modern Philosophy," "A 
Students' History of Philosophy." 8vo. Pp. v, 285. New 
York : The Macraillan Company. 1907. $1.50, net. 

It is refreshing to find a competent authority in philosophy 
who at the outset proposes "to defend a view of the world 
which is frankly religious and theistic, in opposition to certain 
modem types of philosophical thought which are now widely 
prevalent" (p. 1). The chapters in the Essay treat consecu- 
tively of "The Foundations of Knowledge," "The Validity 
of Knowledge," " Religion and Philosophy," " The Argument 
for Purpose," "The Relation of God and Nature," "The 
Problem of Freedom," "The Problem of Evil," and ''The 
Problem of Immortality." 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

183 Notices of Recent Publications, [Jan. 

The chapter upon " The Validity of Knowledge " admirably 
disposes of the agnostic theory that nothing can be known 
outside the limits of human experience. " Some positive 
knowledge is necessary in order to give us grounds for saying 
what a thing is not. . . . There is a vast difference between not 
knowing that a thing is, and not knowing that a thing is not " 
(p. 39). In the chapter upon "The Relation of God and 
Nature " the author argues well, that, since we know our own 
personality through consciousness, it may be inferred that con- 
sciousness is a something which has always existed. " There 
is no other reality that we know so well. ... It affords there- 
fore really the only type of hypothesis positive in its nature 
that is available" (p. 135). The volume has more than 
temporary value. 

Jesus Christ and the Civilization of To-day. The Ethical 
Teaching of Jesus considered in its Bearings on the Moral 
Foundation of Modem Culture. By Joseph Alexander 
Leighton, Ph.D. Pp. 248. New York: The Macmillan 
Company. 1907. $1.50, n\et. 

This book is distinctly modem, being a fresh philosophical 
treatment of a subject of vital import. It is not only full of 
suggestive thought, but it shows a real insight into the ethics 
of the gospel on one side, and the siglnificance of human life 
and its deepest problems on the other. It is really a new 
apologetic from the practical point of view of psychology and 
sociology, and the author mfety be said not only to have scored 
a point, but to Have given a vigorous and up-to-date piece of 
writing. To use his own words in defining his task, ** No 
better test can be made of the permsanent worth of the gospel 
of Jesus than that of determining how it bears on the moral 
and spiritual problems of life to-day." He very well says 
that no system of morality can be derived from the fact of the 
survival of the fittest in the stmggle for existence, for 
"morality does not begin until we leave the realm of mere 
brute force and judge in terms of ideal worth or value." And 
he states very clearly the problem of modem ethics when he 
says that " the ethical antithesis now stands between biological 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notices of Recent Publications. 183 

egoism and Christian altruism." "The natural cosmos re- 
vealed by science appears in its movement to be coldly and 
blindly indifferent, if not actually hostile, to moral endeavor, 
and the moral and social achievements of mankind seem to 
have been wrought out in the very teeth of this inhuman 
natural order. . . . Either we must go forward to a solution of 
the antithesis, or the moral endeavor of mankind must seem 
an irrational eruption in a non-moral universe" (p. 25). 

Chapter IX., on Jesus Christ and other Founders of Re- 
ligions, is one of the strongest chapters of the book. It gives 
an admirable summation of orientalism, and shows very con- 
clusively that Christianity has nothing to fear and little 
enough to learn from those older isms. This is just now 
refreshing reading when certain well-known lecturers are 
trying to set in motion an undercurrent of appreciation for 
classic Brahminism and Buddhism. a. t. s. 

Essays in Pastoral Medicine. By Austin O'Malley, 
M.D., Ph.D., LL.D., and James J. Walsh, M.D., Ph.D., 
LL.D. New York City: Longmans, Green & Company. 

Written for the information and guidance of Roman Catho- 
lic priests and physicians, these essays discuss numerous 
questions which lie, as it were, upon the border-line between 
medicine and theology. Notwithstanding religious differences, 
ministers of all denominations will find, much in them that will 
prove very useful, especially when they are confronted with 
those spiritual maladies which depend more or less upon 
physical weakness or disease, a field of pastoral work not over- 
zealously cultivated by the regular ministry, as the growth of 
Christian Science and similar cults bears witness. The infor- 
mation given is very full and quite in accord with the latest 
teachings of Science, though the latter is kept sternly in her 
place as the humble handmaid of Religion. 

The tremendous importance attached by Catholics to infant 
baptism, its omission according to that church debarring 
forever from perfect happiness in the next world, raises 
several interesting questions, the answers to which by the 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

184 Notices of Recent Publications. [Jan. 

church show the powerful hold it still has upon the physical 
as well as upon the spiritual life of its adherents. For in- 
stance, when the lives of mother and child are in mortal 
danger from the perils of child-birth, and it is possible to save 
one only by the sacrifice of the other. Catholics unhesitatingly 
sacrifice the mother if that is necessary to secure the baptism 
of the child, whereas among Protestants it is the rule to 
sacrifice the child. With regard to some of the expedients 
advised for baptizing an unborn child, it is easy enough to 
ridicule them, after the manner of Sterne in " Tristram 
Shandy," but no one who has ever seen the grief of a Catholic 
mother over the death of her unbaptized child can treat the 
subject with mockery. Our own views of the uncovenanted 
mercies of God are none too bright. As our readers know, 
in an emergency, when the services of a priest are not at 
hand, any man, woman, or child, Catholic or Protestant, may 
baptize the child of Catholic parents, and the ceremony is 
valid, provided water has been used and the essential words 

In the chapter on " Human Terata and the Sacraments '' 
the baptism of monstrosities is discussed, and some curious 
questions are gravely propounded. When a child is born with 
part of another body attached to it, how large must the part be 
to possess a soul of its own, and thus require separate baptism ? 
The child with two faces, for example, has it one or two souls ? 
The possibility of the marriage of some of them being 
bigamous is also considered. Formlerly there seems to have 
been doubt whether all these misshapen creatures were 
human: perhaps the doubt still exists, for a conditional form 
of baptism is given : " Si tu es homo, ego te baptizo," etc. 

The essays on the problems of heredity deserve very careful 
consideration, as statements are not infrequently made in the 
pulpit as to the sins of the fathers being visited upon the 
children unto the third and fourth generation, which not only 
have no clear scientific warrant, but are opposed to the later 
and balancing declaration of Ezekiel : " The soul that sinneth 
it shall die ; the son shall not bear the iniquity of the father." 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notices of Recent Publications. 185 

When the fathers eat sour grapes, it does not always follow 
that the children's teeth are set on edge. 

Various mental disorders are well described, so that minis- 
ters can be on their guard against those disturbers of the peace 
of the church, the neurasthenics, hysterics, cranks, paranoiacs, 
and others with minds more or less unbalanced. 

Practical advice is given to the minister for his protection 
when visiting cases of contagious disease, and for the admin- 
istration of the sacraments to them. Catholics avoid one 
source of danger, the commlon use of the communion cup. 
Certainly in cases of small-pox, diphtheria, and similar very 
infectious diseases, the use by Protestant ministers of separate 
communion cups is advisable. Missionaries and the country 
clergy may find the directions for the prevention and control 
of infectious disease among school-children very useful. 

Altogether, the range of subjects covered is very wide, in- 
cluding Ectopic Gestation; Abortion; Miscarriage and Pre- 
mature Labour; the Caesarean Section and Craniotomy; 
Human Terata in reference to Baptism; Heredity, Physical 
Disease and Moral Weakness; Certain Aspects of Intoxica- 
tion; Social Medicine; Hypnotism; Suggestion and Crime; 
the Exact Moment of Death; School Hygiene; Criminology 
and the Habitual Criminal ; Paranoia, a Study in " Cranks " ; 
Suicides; Syphilis and Marriage; Social Diseases; Impotency 
in the Male and Female ; Neurasthenia ; Hysteria ; Menstrual 
Diseases; Disease and Responsibility; Epilepsy and Responsi- 
bilities ; Impulse and Responsibility ; besides many other topics 
of great interest, such as Bloody Sweat. e. m. m. 

Christianity and the Social Crisis. By Walter Rau- 
SCHENBUSCH, Profcssor of Church History in Rochester 
Theplogical Seminary. 8vo. Pp. xv, 429. New York : The 
Macmillan Company. $1.75, net. 

The author of this impassioned and helpful volume was for 
years a pastor ** ambng the working people on the West Side 
of New York City," and hence has obtained a basis for sym- 
pathy with working people which few writers possess. 
Naturally his volume presents in vivid colors the drawbacks 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

186 Notices of Recent Publications, [Jan. 

to our boasted civilization which appear in the strained re- 
lations between capitalists and working people, and he fore- 
sees the ultimate decay of our present civilization, — such as 
overtook that of the Roman Empire, and for very similar 
causes, — unless the spirit of Christianity can in some way 
counteract the tendencies. For relief the author looks to the 
growth of communistic and socialistic organizations permeated 
with the Christian spirit, but warns them against the intro- 
duction of the ecclesiastical spirit. But it is difficult to fix 
upon any particular form of effort which shall serve as a 
perfect panacea. The best he can say is : — 

" If the Church truly desires to save the social life of the people. It 
must be content with inspiring the social movement with religious 
faith and daring, and it must not attempt to control and monopolize 
it for its own organization. If a man wants to give honest help, he 
must fill himself with the spirit of Jesus and divest himself of the 
ecclesiastical point of view" (p. 348). 

The Church and the Changing Order. By Shailer 
Mathews, Professor of Historical and Comparative 
Theology in the University of Chicago; author of "The 
Social Teaching of Jesus," "The Messianic Hope in the 
New Testament." 8vo, Pp. viii, 255, New York: The 
Macmillan Company. 1907. $1.50, net. 

This volume is a wholesome tonic in this age of decaying 
faith. With rare skill and force the author presents the fact 
that Christianity is an historical religion, and not a mere 
system of ethics. 

". . . . If the ultraconservative wing of the church Is in clanger 
of neglecting the formative intellectual forces of the time, the liberal 
wing is quite as much in danger of forgetting that it has a gospel of 
facts and hope" (p. 48). 

". . . . You look to the Sermon on the Mount for ideals, but you 
do not look to it for power to help realize those ideals" (p. 49). 

". . . . Take away the historical, risen Jesus, and you take away 
the gospel in its original sense. And you change the definition of 
Christianity itself. For Christianity as the embodiment of the gos- 
pel is a phase of religion determined by historical facts and condi- 
tions" (p. 52). 

" .... it is imperative that we recognize the fact that the section 
of the church which is really being Influenced by to-day's philosoph- 
ical and scientific thought is moving pretty rapidly toward a concep- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notices of Recent Publications, 187 

tion of the gospel different from that which we find in the New Testa- 
ment" (pp. 63-54). 

Professor Matlwws's outspoken words will do much to 
counteract the suspicions which many have cherished towards 
the theological seminary of Chicago University. 

The Ancestry of Our English Bible : An Account of the 
Bible Versions, Texts, and Manuscripts. By Ira Maurice 
Price, Ph.D., Professor of the Semitic Languages and 
Literatures in the University of Chicago. 8vo. Pp. xxiv, 
330. Philadelphia: The Sunday Schwl Times Company. 
1907. $1.50, net. 

The larger part of this volume is devoted to giving a popu- 
lar account of the texts and versions from which our English 
translations have been made. This part is an excellent sum- 
mary of the principles of textual criticism ; while the treatment 
of the English translations and the bibliography are all that 
can be desired for popular use. 

The Teachings of Jesus in Parables. By Rev. George 
Henry Hubbard. 8vo. Pp. xxiii, 507. Boston, New 
York, Chicago: The Pilgrim Press. $1.50, net. 

Thirty-eight parables receive treatment in this admirable 
book, the plan of which may be inferred from the author*s 
definition of the word and his statement of principles of in- 
terpretation : " A parable is a word picture " (p. xvi) ; " The 
essential truth of a parable is that which lies plainly upon its 
surface. Any other truths which we may draw from it are 
merely incidental, and have no basis of Christly authority. 
The lesson of every parable is that which appears as readily 
to the mind of a child as to that of the mature and careful 
scholar" (p. xviii). 

Gospel Development : A Study of the Origin and Growth of 
the Four Gospels, by Mutual Comparison. In Two Divisions : 
I. Comparison in Language; II. Comparison in Subject. 
By the Rev. Caleb Theophilus Ward, M.A. 8vo. Pp. 
xiv, 404. Brooklyn, N. Y. : Synoptic Publication Company. 
1907. $2.00. 

The preparation of this volume has involved an immense 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

188 Notices of Recent Publications, [Jan. 

amount of faithful and painstaking work, which brings to- 
gether very fully the facts upon which the author theorizes 
with relation to the origin and growth of the four Gospels. 
The typographical devices by which these facts are presented 
to the eye are as satisfactory as it would be possible to have 
without using different colors; but they are so numerous as 
to be at first somewhat confusing. This, however, is in- 
evitable where the typographical key contains twelve com- 
binations. No other single volume contains such a complete 
analysis of the CJospels, and comparison of their similarities 
and dissimilarities, as does this. Out of it all the author con- 
cludes that 

" our present Four Gospels are the result of a growth and development 
extending over a period of probably two hundred years. Beginning 
with the first attempt of Matthew to make a collection of our Lord's 
sayings, and ending with the collation of copies by Origen for his 
commentaries on the Gospels, these noble works seem to have bene- 
fited from the best minds of the primitive Church. How much was 
due to their original authors, and how much was gradually added 
from time to time is beyond our power to determine. That the Gos- 
pels in their present form are not identical with their earliest condi- 
tion Is evident on the smallest research. That they have undergone 
many and material changes has be^i proved beyond doubt" (p. 389). 

In coming to this conclusion it is evident that the author 
overestimates the extent of the changes and additions which 
it is reasonable to believe could be made in early documents 
regarded as so sacred as these were. Moreover, he is more 
positive than the facts warrant in assigning the date of all the 
Gospels to the period following the destruction of Jerusalem. 
If anything is clear from internal evidence it is that the 
synoptic Gospels were all substantially put into shape and 
fixed in their form before the destruction of Jerusalem. With 
the exception of the prophecy concerning the destruction of 
Jerusalem, there is not a hint that would betray a knowledge 
of the conditions prevailing in Palestine after that event If 
internal evidence can prove anything, the language of the 
synoptic Gospels was stereotyped before that disastrous 
tragedy which forever swept away the institutions of the old 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notices of Recent Publications. 189 

Ancient Masters and Jesus. By William B. Hartzog, 
Ph.D. 8vo. Pp.256. Cleveland, Ohio: The German Bap- 
tist Publication Society. 

This is a helpful volume, the result of wide reading and 
profound study, showing how all Ihe lines of classic philosophy 
and literature lead up to the effulgent revelation found in the 
person of Christ. 

Tent and Testament: A Camping Tour in Palestine, with 
Some Notes on Scripture Sites. By Herbert Rix, B.A. 
8vo. Pp. xiii, 312. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons; 
London : Williams and Norgate. 1907. $2.50, net. 

A prominent excellence of this book is found in its ad- 
mirable illustrations of scenes and places from actual photo- 
graphs. Of these there are no less than sixty-three. The 
volume will make an excellent guide-book either to the 
traveler or the home reader. 

A Summary of the Literatures of Modern Europe. By 
Marian Edwards. Pp. xvi, 532. London : J. M. Dent and 
Co. 1907. 7s. 6d., net. 

The Literatures of Europe embraced in this learned and 
comprehensive work are those of England, France, Germany, 
Italy, and Spain, and the work is brought up to the year 1400. 
Primarily of a literary interest, it has yet many points of re- 
ligious contact, both in prose and verse. The author deserves 
the utmost credit for the learning, skill, and care with which 
the work has been executed. Small points of omission or of 
unexpected treatment there must be, of course, in such a 
work; but these need not keep us from appreciating the ex- 
cellence of the work in whole, which is one of great con- 
venience and value. The Bibliographies are very select, but 
are supplemented by useful Lists of General Authorities. 

One hundred and forty-two pages are devoted to the 
English section, which is, in the main, quite satisfactory. But 
it seems odd thSit the General Authorities should here be so 
largely German; surely the English list might easily have 
been supplemented. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

190 Notices of Recent Publications. [Jan. 

In the French section, we miss a name or two we should 
have expected in the authorities, but the list is a good one, 
though brief. The account of the rise of French Literature 
has been found careful and very well-informed, an excellent 
balance being here maintained also. 

The authorities in the section on German Literature are 
naturally almost entirely German. The account of the 
German literary origins is succinct and clear, and, when the 
period of Old High German has been usefully disposed of, we 
are brought to Otfried as, of course, the first gfreat landmark 
in the poetic development. Thence the literary developments 
are traced, from the ninth to the fourteenth century, with the 
same scholarship and care that marked the previous sections. 

The Italian portion of the work is based mainly on Italian 
authorities, Garnett's work being the only English one men- 
tioned. The section properly begins by noting that "Italian 
was the latest developed of the Romance languages, and that 
there is no work extant to indicate that it was used for literary 
purposes before the beginning of the 13th century (cir. 1220)." 
The literary development is again carefully worked out. Oc- 
casionally there is a statement somewhat too general to be 
accurate; as when, for example, it is said of Petrarch that, 
"unlike Dante," he was "not an encourager of vernacular 
literature." This overlooks what Petrarch did in completing 
the work of Dante in respect of creating the Italian language, 
and that it was precisely his own project of writing in the 
vulgar tongue that Nmade him abstain from study of Dante. 
These things hold good, even though the irony of fate has been 
to make his own prized Latinity forgotten before his Italian 
poetry. Occasionally, too, a description is slightly wanting in 
definiteness of statement. That of Petrarch is an example, 
and may be taken as we have been speaking of him- The 
description is good, and yet scarcely satisfactory. A sentence 
from Garnett is eulogistic enough, and correct too, but it is not 
illumining. The terms are too general. If Petrarch was 
father of Italian lyrical poetry; if he was real restorer of 
polite letters — restorer of Latinity, and promoter of Greek; if 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Books Received. 191 

he was patriot and lover of science as well as poet and 
romantic; these things could all have been said in ways more 
definite, expressive, and likely to remain in a reader's memory. 

The Spanish Literature section is multnm in pcrzo, and is 
interesting and excellent. Ra3rmond Lully, whom competent 
writers have sometimes styled tl;e most brilliant Catalan 
writer of the Middle Ages, and Isidore of Seville are, we are 
glad to see, noticed, but Prudentius and some others are not. 

The work is interesting to readers of the Bibuotheca 
Sacra^ not merely from a literary point of view, but also for 
its many interesting notices of religious works, both prose and 

One can scarcely praise too highly the learning, care, 
ability, and industry, of this most valuable work. j. l. 


American Baptist Publication Society, Philadelphia. 

Christian AcNOSTiasM, as related to Christian Knowledge. 
By E. H. Johnson^ D^D., LL.D., late Professor of Sys- 
tematic Theology in the Crozer Theological Seminary, and 
author of "An Outline of Systematic Theology," *'The 
Religious Use of Imagination," "The Highest Life," and 
"The Holy Spirit— Then and Now." Edited, with a 
Bic^aphical Sketch and an Appreciation, by Henry C. 
Vedder. 12mo. Pp. xxxii, 302. $1.00. 

Christ and Bue«)ha. By Josiah Nelson Cushing, Ph.D., 
Missionary for Forty Years in Burma, late President of the 
Rangoon College. With an Appreciation of the Author by 
Henry Melville King, Pastor Emeritus of the First 
Baptist Church in Providence, R. I. 12mo. Pp. 160. 75 

Formation of the New Testament. By George Hooper 
Ferris. 12mo. Pp. 281. 90 cents, net 

That Blessed Hope^ the Second Coming of Christ. Con- 
sidered with Special Reference to Post-Millennial and Pre- 
Millennial Discussions. Also an Appendix treating of 
Related Topics. By David Heagle, Ph.D., D.D., Trans- 
lator of the " Bremen Lectures," author of " Moral 
Education," etc. 12mo. Pp. 176. 75 cents. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

192 Books Received. [Jan. 

Th« Amerlean Tract Society, N«w YorR. 

The Lord of Glory: A Study of the Designations of our 
Lord in the New Testament with Special Reference to his 
Deity. By Benjamin B. Warfield^ Professor in Prince- 
ton Theological Seminary. 8vo. Pp. 332. $1.50, net. 

Progress of Doctrine in the New Testament. Considered 
in Eight Lectures delivered before the University of Oxford 
on the Bampton Foundation. By Thomas Dehany 
Bernard^ of Exeter College, Rector of Walcot and Canon 
of Wells. 8vo. Pp. 244. $1.25. 

The Teaching of Jesus Concerning His Own Person. 
(The Teachings of Jesus.) By Wayland Hoyt^ LL.D. 
12mo. Pp. X, 200. 75 cents. 

A. C. Armstrong d Son, New^ YorR. 

Positive Preaching and M(M)ern Mind. By P. T. For- 
syth, M.A., D.D. The Lyman Beecher Lectures on 
Preaching, Yale University, 1907. 8vo. Pp. xii, 374. 
$1.75, net 

Henry Frow^de, London. 

Old Testament Problems: Critical Studies in the Psalms 
and Isaiah. By James William Thirtle, LL.D., D.D., 
Member of the Royal Asiatic Society; author of "The 
Titles of the Psalms." 8vo. Pp. viii, 336. $2.40. 

Tho Maomlllan Contpany, New YorR.,' 

The Christ that is to be. By the Author of " Pro Christo 
et Ecclesia." 8vo. Pp. xvii, 385. $1.50, net. 

The Modern Reader's Bible : The Books of the Bible with 
Three Books of the Apocrypha, presented in Modem 
Literary Form. Edited, with Introductions and Notes. By 
Richard G. Moulton, M.A. (Camb.), Ph.D., Professor of 
Literary Theory and Interpretation in the University of 
Chicago. 8vo. Pp. xiv, 1732. $2.00, net. 

Life in the Homeric Age. By Thomas Day Seymour, 
Hillhouse Professor of the Greek Language and Literature 
in Yale University. 8vo. Pp. xvi» 704. $4.00, n^t. 

The Pilgrim Press, Boston. 

Infinite Affection. By Charles S. Macfarland, author 
of "The Spirit Christlike," etc. 12mo. Pp. 174. $1.00, 

Peasantry of Palestine: The Life, Manners, and Customs 
of the Village. By Elihu Grant, B.D., Ph.D., Associate 
Professor of Biblical Literature at Smith College. 8vo. 
Pp. 254. $1.50, net. 

The Teacher that Teaches. By Amos R. Wells, Manag- 
ing Editor of the Christian Endeavor World. 12mo. Pp. 
95. 60 cents, net. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


PARTIAL CONTENTS— Volume VI., 1907. 

Climate and History in Western Asia (5 Illustrations). By E. Cutler Shedd. 

Development of the System of Boundary Fortifications in Britain and Germany 
under the Roman Empire. By George H. Allen. 

Troglodyte Dwellings of Bakhtchi-Sarai (11 Illustrations). 

By G. Frederick Wright. 

The McEvers Mounds, Pike County, III. (2 Illustrations). By Clara K. Bayliss. 

The Nebraska Loess Man (5 Illustrations). By Robert F. Gilder. 

Ancient Inhabitants of Nebraska (5 Illustrations). By Erwin H. Barbour. 

Roman North Africa (8 Illustrations). By C. Densmore Curtis. 

Prehistoric Man in Nebraska. By E. E. Blackman. 

Mound Builders of the Mississippi Valley (7 Illustrations). By Richard HerrmsCnn. 

Palestine Exploration Fund. By Theodore F. Wright. 

A Primitive Cattle Shrine in Asia Minor (3 Illustrations). By George E. White. 

Nehawka Film Quarries (6 Illustrations). By E. E. Blackman. 

The Autobiographic Element in Latin Literature and Inscriptions (5 Illustra- 
tions). By Henry H. Armstrong. 

Site of Ancient Persepolls <4 Illustrations). By Thomas F. Nelson. 

Preserving Wisconsin Mounds (2 Illustrations). By Frank A. Flower. 

Pre-lndian Inhabitants of North America (16 Illustrations). 

By Newton H. Winchell. 

Work of the Ohio Archaeological Society. 

Ancient Pottery Furnaces. 

Lead Furnaces. By Frank A. Flower. 

Soul-Houses in Egypt (8 Illustrations). By W. M. F. Petrie. 

Relics of the Stone Age from Taltal, Chile. 

Archaeological Work of the University of California. ^ By A. L. Kroeber. 

Amber in Asia. 

The Evolution of the Greek Fr^t (8 Illustrations). By Eunice G. AUyn. 

Greek Draped Figure at Vassar (6 Illustrations). By ESdmund von Mach. 

Maya Ruins in Quintana Roo. By Count Maurice de Perigny. 

The Swastika. By Charles De W. Brower. 

The Hittite Capital, Boghaz-keuy and its Environs (12 Illustrations). 

By George E. White. 

New Light on Babylonian Chronology. 

The Rock of Cashel (4 Illustrations). By St. John Seymour. 

Interdependent Evolution of Oases and Civilizations. 

Egyptian Research Account. 

An Archaeolog4cal Tour through Sicily with a Camera (22 Illustrations). 

By Edward W. Clark. 

The Beginnings of Iron. 

A Palaeolithic Implemervt from the Loess (2 Illustrations). By Luella A. Owen. 

Roman Portrait Head in Vassar College (6 Illustrations). By Edmund von Mach. 

The Liver in Babylonian Divination (5 Illustrations). By Albert T. Clay. 

Adolf Furtwangler, By Edmund von Mach. 

Huntington's "Explorations In Central Asia" (5 Illustrations). 

By Frederick Bennett Wright. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

cientific Confirmations of 
>ld Testament History 




. ?One oi the. most thojough books of its kind, in a popular 
form, lately published."— A^m' York Times, Jan. 2G, 1907. 

**If certain recent utterances have created the impression in 
the public mind that religion is hopelessly unscientific, Dr. G. 
Frederick Wright's extremely interesting and able volume, 
^Scientific Confirmations of Old Testament History/ should 
suffice to remove it His book may be con- 
fidently recommended to all who are interested in the subject.'* 
Providence Journal, Jan. G, 1907. 

*'If the destructive critics and the skeptics who attack the 
Old Testament were only open to argument, this book would 
settle the question for them .... The last chapter is the 
best discussion of its subject we have seen. The whole book 
is strengthening and even inspiring. Whoever would be 
posted should get this admirable work." — Dr. T. T. Eaton, 
IVestern Recorder, Feb. 28, 1907. 

"He is very happy in his style of telling us what be has 
seen, and why he interpreted it as he does, and what is the 
bearing of his work on the Bible. The volume bids fair to be 
recognized as the standard work on the important subject of 
Pentateuchal physics; just as explorations of the ruins of 
Chaldea, Assyria, and Egypt have enlightened us as to Old 
Testament historicity." — Dr. G. Macloskie. Princeton Re- 
view, April, 1907. 

^ Its twelve chapters are entitled : 

l...The Witness of the New Testament. 
II, ..Middle and Later Jewish History. 
II [...Israel in Egypt. 
JV...The Exodus. 

|V... Physical Preparation for Israel in Pal- 

VI. ..Traditions of the Deluge 
VI I... Scientific Credibility of the Deluge. 
VI 1 1. ..The Gtactal Epoch as a Vera Causa. 
IX ..Evidences of a Deluge in Europe. 
X...The Evidence of a Deluge in Asia. 
XL. .The Deluge in North America. 
CII...The First Chapter of Genesis, and 
Modern Science. 

Cloth. I 2mo, 450 pages, $2.00 net 
$2. 1 5 postpaid 

Bibliotheca Sacra for 1908 and "Scientific 
Confirmations of Old Testament History * 
will be sent postpaid for $4.23 







A Religious and Sociological Quarterly : 













CAN SECULARISM DO IT? Williafn Harrison. 331 


NOTES. 368 









Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

Scientific Confirmations 


Old Testament History 


D.D., LL.D., F. G. S. A. 





"The title of this work is fully justifieil by its leiirned eonteiits. No thoughtful 
mind — no sincere searcher for the truth — can give due consideration to the vast ac- 
cumulation of scientific facts arranged by the author in this volume and fall to be 
confirmed in a belief of the accuracy of the historical statements of the Old Testa- 
ment. It is a marvelous unfolding of the geological events of the post-Tertiary 
Iieriod, well calculated to incite tlje general reader to a closer study of its signifi- 
cant and overwhelming facts, which invite investigation on every hand. The dis- 
cussion is also eminently worthy of the attention of geologists, many of whom, the 
author observes, are so engrossed in their particular studies that they have little 
leisure or inclination to consider the action of geological forces in their more gen- 
eral application. . . . We consider Dr. Wright's book a most valuable contribution to 
the literature of scientific Bible defence, and wish for It a very wide circulation." — 
English Churchman, 

"The facts brought to light are of supreme Interest, and may modify some of 
the conclusions of Old Testament criticism." — British Congregationalist, 

'* The most important part of the book is undoubtedly the extended treatment 
from chaps, vi. to xl. of the Biblical account of the Noachian Deluge in its relation 
to the facts of science. Here the author writes on a subject in relation to which he 
has first-hand knowledge and is an admitted expert, and the mass of facts he accu- 
mulates from all parts of the globe seem to prove beyond dispute the reality of a 
great catastrophe after or in connection with the close of the glacial period, which 
swept away the forms of life then existing, and made a complete break between 
older and newer man." — JXmes Orr, D.D., Homiletic Review, 

•* The book is of interest because it shows how wonderfully the account given of 
Creation in Genesis harmonises with scientific data in regard to the different stages 
of creation and evolution. . . . While Dr. Wright speaks with authority on geolog- 
ical problems, and is inclined to invoke the aid of geology in restoring traditional 
opinions, he is by no means indifferent to the fact that the Bible contains philoso- 
phy, i)oetry, history, drama, and that learned men have held opinions entirely dif- 
ferent from his own. Tlie book is one of much instruction and interest." — Duhlin 

The Bibliotheca Sacra Co. 


Digitized byCjOOQlC 

Studies in Biblical Law 


Harold M. Wiener, M,A,^ LL, B. 




" As a whole, these ' Studies ' are of unusual worth. They accomplish for cer- 
tain Old Testament themes what Greenleaf, Lyttleton, and West did In New Testa- 
ment lines .... no one will doubt that the author has attempted a most important 
task and has succeeded well. He has done much to clear the atmosphere where 
there was overmuch fog. The work deserves to be well known among all students 
of the older part of God's Word." — Review and Expositor. 

" It is bold and refreshing .... our writer goes over ground trodden nearly 
two thousand years ago by the sages of the MIshnah ; but he strikes out in his own 
line and stands forth much more logical than the old Pharisaic doctors." — New 
York Evening Post, 

"There is no doubt that in this examination of the Biblical Jural laws Mr. 
Wiener has opened up a new and valuable source of information as to the dates of 
the various books of the Pentateuch." — Academy, 

". . . . both moral and interesting. . . . The method employed is an ingenious and 
Bkillful application of the principles of legal interpretation to texts in apparent con- 
flict" — Harvard Law Review, 

" In the simplest and quietest way, though with a very firm grasp of the sub- 
ject, the author shows the impossibilities, and in some cases the real absurdities, of 
certain contentions of modem criticism; and in our Judgment he clearly convicts 
the writers .... referred to of sacrificing reality and common-sense to matters of 
philological theory. . . . We recommend this volume to the careful attention of our 
readers." — Churchman (London). 

"Altogether the volume is one of great importance and value." — BihHotJ^ca 

London : David Nutt 

57-59 LONG ACRE 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

Among other notable contributions during 1908 

The Hibbert Journal 


WiU G>ntain Special Articles and Series 
of Articles as follows: 

THE RELIGION OF SENSIBLE MEN. First, "The Religion of Sen- 
sible Scdtsmen," by William Wallace, LL.D., of Glasgow, will appear 
in January, — to be followed by " The Religion of Sensible Americans," 
by David Starr Jordan, in April. 

THE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL, begun in July, 1907, by Profes- 
sor Royce of Harvard, will be continued by Sir Oliver Lodge, and 
Professor Rudolf Eucken of Jena. 

Father George Tyrrel contributes "The Prospects of Modernism," 
and Father John Gerrard, S. J., "The Papal Encyclical: From a 
Catholic's Point of View." The question of the Catholic system in re- 
lation to American ideals and American institutions will be dealt with 
by distinguished American writers. 

WESTERN RACES COMPARED. The validity of Christian ex- 
perience will be discussed, and the claims of the recognition of the 
East considered. Various distinguished Indian and Japanese writers 
will take part in the discussion. 

PRAGMATISM. Separate articles will appear, dealing with American 
and British exponents of this school of thought. Among them will be 
Professor McGilvary, of the University of Wisconsin, Professor 
Henry Jones of Glasgow, and the Editor of The Hibbert Journal. 

tian Science, Theosophy, and dther new sects will be candidly and im- 
partially examined. 

EDUCATION, especially in its connection with religious and ethical ideals. 
American, British, and European writers will contribute. 

LIGIOUS THOUGHT as Revealed by the Publications of the Year. 
By Professor A. O. Lovejoy of Washington University, St. Louis. 

Annual Subscription, $2.50. Single G>piesy 75 Cents 


Sherman, French & Company 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

Latest "Open Courf Publications 

AVESTA ESCHATOLOGY, compared with the Books of Daniel and 
Revelation. By Lawrence H. Mills. 85 pp. Boards. Price 50c. Ex- 
tra edition, Strathmore paper, gilt top. Price 75c. 

of Aaron, High Priest of the Samaritans. Edited with an introduction 
by William Eleazar Barton. Price 25c. 

Religions: Ancient and Modem 

The Series is intended to present to a large public the salient featares of the Great 

Religions of the Human Race. The Volumes already published have 

met with most gratifying appreciatioiL 

Fca^, 8vo. Cloth, 46 cents net per z^lume 


Animism. By Edward Clodd. Hinduism. By Dr. L. D. Bamett. 

Pantheism. By James Allanson Ancient China. By Prof. Giles. 

Picton. AIncient Greece. By Jane Har- 
Celtic Religion. By Professor rison. 

Anwyl. Babylonia and Assyria. By 
Mythology of Ancient Britain The<q)hilus G. Pinches. 

and Ireland. By Charles is^am. By Syed Ameer All, M.A. 

Squire. _ '^ \ ^ ^ 

Ancient Egypt. By Professor Religion of Ancient Rome. By 

W. M. Flinders Petrie. ^ynl Bailey, M.A. 

Scandinavian Religion. By W. Judaism. By Israel Abrahams. 

A. Craigie. Shinto : The Ancient Reugion 
Magic and Fetishism. By Dr. of Japan. By W. G. Aston, 

A. C. Haddon. C.M.G., LL.D. 



ISLAM IN INDIA. By T. W. Arnold, Assistant Ubrarian at the India 

Office, Author of "The Preaching of Islam." 
BUDDHISM. 3 vols. By Professor T. W. Rhys Davids, LL.D. 

Jackson, Professor of Iranian at Columbia University. 

Black, LL.D., Joint Editor of the "Encyclopaedia Biblica." 

T^e Open Court Publishing Co. 

1322 Wabash Avenue : Chicago 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


The Oldest Theological Quarterly in America 

Prof. G. Frederick Wright, D.D., LL.D„ Editor 

Rev. Frank H. Foster, D.D., Ph.D., Olivet, Michigan. 

Rev. James Lindsay, D.D., Kilmarnock, Scothmd. 

Rev. D. W. Simon, D.D., Bradford, England. 

Rev. Hugh M. Scott, D.D., Chicago Theological Seminary, Chicago, 111. 

Rev. Charles F. Thwing, D.D., Prcs. Western Reserve University, Cleveland, O. 

Rev. Newell Dwight Hillis, D.D., Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Rev. A. A. Bcrle, D.D., Salem, Mass. 

Rev. W. E. Barton, D.D., Chicago, III. 

Rev. Henry A. Stimson, D.D., New York City. 

Rev. William Edwards Pirk, D.D., Oberlin, Ohio. 

Q As heretofore the Bibliotheca Saaa wiD aim to meet the wants of the more intelli- 
gent public, both lay and clerical of all denominations, in the publication of thorough 
discussions of all topics of permanent interest touching the Christian religion. Promi- 
nence wiD continue to be given to Biblical Criticism in its various departments ; Theology 
in its doctrinal, historical and practical aspects; and the Relation of Phflosophy, 
Science, and Oriental Discoveries to the Bible. 

Q In addition to the continued interest of the able corps of Associate Elditors, special 
advantages may be e3q>ected to result the coming year from the fact that Dr. Sxnon is 
to take up his permanent residence in Germany, and hence wiD be able to furnish fresh 
information from the center of intellectual movements. 

Q On account of the freedom of the Editor from the routine duties of his professorship, 
he will be able to give increased attention to the interests of the Bibliotheca Sacra, and 
adapt it still more perfectly to the deepest needs of the time. The Quarterly will con- 
tinue its elaborate and conservative discussion of the great sociological questions that are 
agitating the centuiy, but will, as heretofore, be devoted mainly to discussions by com- 
petent authorities of the profound theological and critical problems which are agitating 
the entire Christian public While remaining loyal to the historic faith of Christendom, 
it will aim to welcome and aid aH real progress in every department of human activity. 
On account of its long standing, and its undenominational character, the Bibliotheca 
Sacra probably has a wider circulation than any other American publication. Through 
it the ablest writers can at once reach every center of thought in the worid. While not 
aiming at ephemeral popularity, in a marked degree it accomplishes the purpose of in- 
fluencing the thought that in the end moves the world. Whatever periodicals of a more 
popular character are taken by pastors, theological students, and the more intelligent 
laymen, such thorough discussions as appear in the Bibliotheca Sacra are indiq)ensable 
to a complete masteiy of the great themes that are constant^ coming to the surface 
in modem thought Address, 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 






It is no light task, in a brief space, to deal with the long 
and active life of one who was not only Man and Poet, and a 
Reformer in many directions, at the period of all others in 
our history abounding in the need and the diversity of re- 
forms, political, religious, and social; but also a typical and 
representative New England citizen, — ^that character almost 
new in the world's long story, and destined to play so great a 
part in the drama of civilization on this continent. John 
Greenleaf Whittier bore in both his family names the evidence 
that his ancestors had been among the early settlers of New 
England; and if it be true that he was also descended from 
a daughter of Qiristopher Hussey, then be was likewise of the 
posterity of that sturdy old colonizer Rev. Stephen Bachiler, 
bom four years earlier than Shakespeare, and dying, at 
nearly a hundred years old, in the domination of his associate 
in relipon, Oliver Cromwell, and his son Richard. This 
clergyman, dispossessed of his parish in western England, at 

* An address at the Haverhill Centenary of his Birth, Tuesday, De- 
cember 17, 1907. 

Vol. liXV. No. 268. 1 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

194 Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. [April, 

the suggestion of Bishop Laud, wandered for a time about 
England and Holland, and, after doing his part to establish 
a religious colony at Portland in Maine, and Yarmouth in the 
Pilgrim Colony, did found and partly organize the ancient 
town of Hampton in New Hampshire, to which his son-in-law 
Christopher Hussey, and his three grandsons of the Sanborn 
name, followed him in 1638 or soon after. The house in 
Hampton Falls, New Hampshire, in which Whittier died 
stands on a part of the large estate of Christopher Hussey, 
and the house occupied by that patriarch of New Hampshire 
was not far off. Hussey also owned land in Haverhill, al- 
though he is not supposed to have lived here for any long 
time. In 1653, Thomas Whittier, the poet's paternal ancestor, 
joined with Hussey, Edward Gove, and the three Sanborn 
brothers in petitioning the Boston magistracy in favor of 
Major Pike of Salisbury, who had spoken too freely against 
the Boston tyranny in suppressing Joseph Peasley, another 
ancestor of Whittier, who felt a call to exhort in meeting, and 
afterward became a Quaker. Hussey was then dwelling at 
Hampton Falls, and was one of the few petitioners who re- 
fused to withdraw their sig^aturds, when bidden so to do by the 
Boston authorities; as Thomas Whittier, and two of my an- 
cestors, John Sanborn and Edward Gove, also refused, and 
were fined for their contumacy. In the next generation most 
of the Husseys, Goves, and Whittiers were Quakers; for by 
1675 George Fox had visited New England, the Boston and 
Dover Puritans had whipped and hanged Quaker women, — 
the graceless physicians Dr. Barefoot and Dr. Greenland, 
aided by Major Pike, now a high magistrate, had rescued the 
whipped women from the scourge of Major Waldron, — and 
the natural result of fervent preaching and bloody persecution 
had taken place. Thus was Quakerism, itself a demonstration 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. 195 

for radical reforms in church and state, handed down through 
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to our Poet, born in 
the first decade of the nineteenth century, and living in literary 
activity ahnost to the twentieth, for he died late in 1892. 
Nor did this descendant of the martyred Quakers fail to re- 
member their persecutions, and to visit poetic justice upon 
the persecutors and their successors in the business of bigotry 
and tyranny, — the intolerant sectarians and natural Tories of 
New England. The Quakers, all through the latter part of 
the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth, 
had comtnned good citizenship and scrupulous obedience to 
decent laws, with a firm and demonstrative refusal to 
sanction negro slavery. But the so-called conservative 
classes — the clergy, the leading lawyers, the great merchants, 
and the politicians generally (with few exceptions after 1820, 
and until 1850) — ^were defenders or apologists for that blot 
on our Republic of Liberty. Consequently, the Man, 
Whittier, imbued with the ancestral spirit of opposition to 
legalized tyranny, and fully possessed of the democracy of 
religion (which Quakerism is), first drew public attention as 
one of the antislavery convention at Philadelphia in 1833, at 
the age of twenty-five. He was already known as a poet in 
his small circle, and indeed had then written more verses in 
number, and more pages of what passed for poetry, than Gray 
or Emerson wrote during their whole lives. But the general 
public hardly took note of these verses, which were eagerly 
read by his young contemporaries, and widely copied from 
the newspapers of his friends Garrison and Thayer, or from 
his own political newspapers, at Boston and Hartford. In 
these newspapers he advocated a protective tariff (as Garrison 
had done for a time) and the election of Henry Clay as presi- 
dent. His politics rather than his poetry interested the active 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

196 Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. [April, 

men of his youth; but the question of slavery, which was to 
supersede all others in our politics, had not, till after 1830, 
taken a strong hold on the people of the North. But even as 
his youthful verses, now forgotten, served him as exercises 
in poetic composition, and his journalism trained him to be, 
as he afterwards showed himself, a sagacious and adroit 
politician ; so the years of his literary and ethical apprentice- 
ship, from 1826 to 1833, slowly and almost unconsciously 
prepared him for the devotion of all the rest of his life to the 
great measures of reform, whether in his own land or else- 
where. His father, the Quaker farmer of the East Parish, 
was a Jeffersonian democrat, like Clay, Calhoun, and, in his 
own independent way, John Quincy Adams ; and though the 
young journalist joined for a time the party of which Clay 
was the leader, and which soon called itself "Whig," he 
in fact adhered rather strictly to the Jeffersonian principles. 
A|n evidence of this is his striking poem on "Democracy," 
written in 1841, and making allusion to his father's political 
affiliations. I quote from the earlier form of these verses, 
which seems better than the revision which the fastidious 
author made many years later. It began : — 

" O fairest bom of love and light. 

Yet bending brow and eye severe 
On all that harms the holy sight. 

Or wounds the pure and perfect ear ! 
Beantifnl yet thy temples rise, 

Though there profaning gifts are thrown ; 
And fires, nnkindled of the skies. 

Are glaring round thy altar-stone. 

*' O ideal of my boyhood's time ! 

The faith in which my father stood. 
Even when the sons of Lust and Crime 

Had stained thy peaceful courts with blood. 
Beneath thy broad, impartial eye 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. 197 

How fade the lines of caste and birth ! 
How equal in their suffering lie 
The groaning multitudes of earth V 

Out of these principles, from which the Quaker poet never 
departed, was developed, by a strange metamorphosis, the 
actual Democratic party of Whittier's early manhood under 
Jackson; against which the youthful politician soon revolted, 
at first under the lead of Henry Clay, himself nominally a 
Democrat. Garrison, too, as a beginner in politics, followed the 
lead of Clay ; and it is a curious fact that a younger brother of 
the Kansas hero John Brown continued to be an active partisan 
of Qay, and edited a New Orleans newspaper in his interest, 
during the first administration of Jackson, and until his own 
death in 1833. Of this son Salmon Brown, his father, the 
old Calvinist Owen Brown, said years afterward: "Salmon 
was of some note as a gentleman. But I never knew that he 
gave evidence of being a Christian." It was otherwise with 
Whittier, who from the first was brought up as a Christian, 
though in much disregard of that form of conventional 
Christianity which attached importance to the office of the 
parish priest or minister. Nor was he, at first, very much 
addicted to the conventional religious literature, even of his 
own small sect. It was the age of Scott, Moore, and Byron, 
following the age of Robert Burns, who seems to have been 
Whittier's first favorite among poets. From none of these 
popular poets could he have imbibed much reverence for the 
titled clergy ; while, from the history and traditions of his own 
people, he was sure to regard them as spiritual tyrants and 
bloody persecutors. Hence, in one of his first sallies against 
the Massachusetts clerisy, he recurred to the Puritan ministers 
who had so violently tiraded against his ancestors, the Peas- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

198 Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. [April, 

leys and Husseys. In his scathing rebuke of the Congfrega- 
tional clergy in 1837 he cried, sarcastically: — 

'* Oh, glorious days ! when Church and State 

Were wedded by your spiritual fathers ; 
And on submissive shoulders sate 

Your Wilsons and your Gotton Mathers ! 
No vile ' itinerant ' then could mar 

The beauty of your tranquil Zion, 
But at his peril,— of the scar 

Of hangman's whip and branding iron. 
Old Hampton, had her fields a tongue, — 

And Salem's streets, — could tell their story 
Of fainting women dragged along. 

Gashed by the whip accursed and gory." 

Whittier had learned thoroughly that dismal tale of the 
three Quaker women, Anna Coleman, Mary Tompkins, and 
Alice lAmbrose, whom the old tyrant of Dover, Richard 
Waldron, had in 1662 ordered to be flogged at the cart's tail 
from the Pascataqua River to Narragansett Bay, but who 
were released by the bold Major Pike of Salisbury, at the 
instance of Walter Barefoot, of Dover, and Henry Green- 
land, then of Newbury. These two doctors would have been 
excellent subjects for a second of those quiet novels of which 
" Margaret Smith's Journal " was the first. Only their ad- 
ventures would have been more boisterous than those of the 
gentle Margaret and her cousin Rebecca Rawson. Whittier 
was both poet and historian, as Scott was; and, had he not 
made himself quite early the poet of the Minority, he might 
have risen to more distinction as historical poet. As it is, he 
has contributed more to the ballad lore of New England 
than all the other poets ; and this part of his work will perhaps 
outlast that which at first he regarded as more important,— 
his antislavery and reformatory verse. In the latter he seemed 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. 199 

to present a singular contrast between his Quaker and non- 
resistant principles and his belligerent words. This contrast 
attracted the laughing notice of Lowell, in his "Fable for 
Critics," who made his spokesman, Apollo, cry out : — 

" ' Is that,' one exclaims on beholding his knocks* 
'Thy son's bloody garment, O leather-clad Fox?* 
Can that be thy son, in the battle's mid din. 
Preaching brotherly love, — ^and then driving it in 
To the brain of the toagh old Goliath of sin 
With the smoothest of pebbles from Castaly's Spring, 
Impressed on his hard moral sense with a sling?" 

Whittier was pleased at this recognition of the fighter under 
the drab coat ; and I have seen a letter of his to Lowell com- 
plimenting the almost anonymous poet on his success in the 

To be a poet of the Minority is not always to be on the 
right side; but the greatest poets in the world's history have 
held that position. If we could know all the facts about the 
men who wrote the epics ascribed to Homer, it would 
probably be true of them; and certainly it was true of 
JEschylus and Sophocles among the Greek dramatists; of 
Lucretius in Rome; Dante in Florence; Milton in England; 
Bums in Scotland; Wordsworth, Shelley, and Keats in Eng- 
land ; and in our day it has been true of Browning there, and 
of Emerson here. This may be said, however, of the better 
poets of the Minority,— that if they represent, as they usually 
do, the higher national aspiration, the day comes, even in their 
* lifetime, when the majority rally to their side, and they are for 
a while, at least, the voice of their nation. Dante never 
reached that fortunate day, but Milton did, and Wordsworth 
more slowly attained that position. So, in this country, did 
the poets of democracy and antislavery; and the popularity 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

200 Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. [April, 

which from the first attended the fortunate Longfellow over- 
took Bryant and Lowell and Whittier in the national crisis of 
the Civil War. 

It does a poet of the right sort no harm to be mobbed a 
few times. Whittier was mobbed repeatedly in his early 
career; and twice was the serene Emerson mobbed, — ^at Cam- 
bridge in 1851, and at the Tremont Temple of Boston in the 
winter of 1860-61. In neither case was his life in danger. 
But when Whittier and George Thompson were mobbed, it 
was a question of serious bodily harm, even of death, at the 
hands of the furious ruffians who were impelled by those per- 
sistent American anarchists, the men of large wealth and 
commercial greed, who know that their riches have been 
immorally gained. Such were the slave-masters and their 
mercantile friends at the North, who sought Garrison's life 
in 1836, killed Lovejoy in 1837, burned the antislavery hall 
at Philadelphia in May, 1838, and for more than twenty years 
longer continued to display their sneaking form of anarchy in 
all the chief cities of the North. The last of this may have 
been the draft riots in Boston and New York in 1863; but 
by that time, and for a year or two before, the mob spirit 
turned against the defenders of slavery, and more than once 
compelled them to hang out the flag of their countr}, the 
Stars and Stripes; which, from the disgrace of protecting 
slave-auctions and floating over conquests made to extend 
negro slavery (as in the Mexican War), had suddenly, in 
1861, become the flag of freedom once more. Through all 
this dismal period of national infamy, Whittier and the small 
band of emancipationists stood firmly for the rights of man, 
the cause of the poor. But I hardly think Whittier was in- 
volved in any dangerous mob after 1845 ; he withdrew from 
that physical activity in the cause which he had displayed for 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. 201 

a dozen years after 1832, left Haverhill for the quieter re- 
tirement of Amesbury, and did his work, either with the pen, 
in prose and verse, or through his rare sagacity, by advice to 
political associates, or those whom he wished to make such. 
He had undertaken to edit newspapers at Hartford, at Phila- 
delphia, and finally at Lowell, where in 1844 he took charge 
of a journal devoted to political antislavery, the Middlesex 
Standard, and wrote for it not only political articles, but 
those brief papers, descriptive of periods or characters in New 
England story, which he published long ago under the title 
of "The Stranger in Lowell." In his capacity as editor in 
Lowell he became closely acquainted with the circle of young 
women who set going, and maintained for years, that interest- 
ing organ of literature among the factory girls, — ^the Lowell 
Offering. He knew Harriet Farley (who has lately died in 
New York at the age of ninety-two) ; her associate Harriot 
Curtis ; a third Harriet, Miss Hanson, afterwards Mrs. W. S. 
Robinson of Concord and Maiden; and Lucy Larcom, who 
continued to be an intimate friend so long as Whittier lived. 
He was therefore a well-informed witness to that cultivation 
of literature among the native American factory gfirls of New 
England which was so surprising a feature of our develop- 
ment two generations ago. 

It was during Whittier's summer at your neighboring 
"Spindle City" of Lowell that his friend Emerson was 
induced by the antislavery women of Concord to place 
himself squarely on the emancipation side, by his address 
on the anniversary of West India Emancipation, given in 
Concord, August 1, 1844. My impression is that Whittier 
himself came over to report the proceedings of the day, 
and complained that Concord was a very mossg^rown, stag- 
nant sort of place; but that he found comfort in Emer- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. [April, 

son's Address, which took strong and new ground against 
the enslavement of a race by advantage of its virtues. It 
was a day long to be remembered in Concord. Hawthorne 
had been for two years living in the Old Manse, and was 
publishing those "Mosses" which preserve that ancient 
parsonage in immortal youth. Not sympathizing himself 
very much with the emancipationists, he yet made no objection 
to Mrs. Hawthorne's oflFering to have the " collation " tables 
spread under the trees of his avenue, which was to have been 
the resort of the audience after the address was over. But 
the siunmer day was lowering or rainy, and the tables were 
set, instead, in the county court-house, near the antique stone 
prison of Middlesex. To call the company together at the 
hour announced for the meeting, a bell must be rung; and 
the authorities of the two chief churches in the village, the 
Unitarian and Orthodox Congregational, were unwilling to 
have their bells rung on such an occasion. A bell was found, 
however, which did not refuse to ring when Henry Tfioreau 
pulled the rope; and thus the faithful were summoned to the 
first of Emerson's strictly political addresses. I owe a 
knowledge of these facts to a lively letter by Miss Anne 
Whiting in the Herald of Freedom, at Concord, New Hamp- 
shire, a weekly edited by Thoreau and Whittier's friend 
Nathaniel P. Rogers. No considerable part of the address 
appeared in Whittier's Lowell newspaper, the orator re- 
serving it for a pamphlet edition, which he soon issued. It 
was not long after this, and while Whittier had charge of the 
Lowell newspaper, that he offered to the poet Longfellow 
to have him nominated for Congress in the Middlesex District, 
on the Liberty Party ticket. A vacancy existed in this dis- 
trict, which then included Cambridge, Concord, and Lowell, 
because neither the Democratic nor the Whig party had been 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. 

able to elect their candidate, on account of the considerable 
antislavery vote in the county. Whittier had seen that the 
few antislavery poems of Longfellow, reprinted as a tract at 
the North, had been very well received, and he said to Long- 
fellow that they "had been of important service to the 
Liberty movement." He therefore urged on his brother-poet 
the acceptance of a congressional nomination, saying, "Our 
friends think they could throw for thee one thousand more 
votes than for any other man." Dating his reply, September, 
1844, Longfellow answered: — 

''It is impoflsible for me to accept the Ck>ngreB8ional nomination 
yon propose, because I do not feel myself qnallfled for the daties of 
such an oflSce, and because I do not belong to the Liberty Party. 
Though a strong anti-slavery man, I am not a member of any society, 
and fight under no single banner. At all times I shall rejoice in the 
progress of true liberty, and in freedom from slavery of all kinds; 
but I cannot for a moment think of entering the political arena. 
Partisan warfare becomes too violent, too vindictive for my taste.'* 

This was not meant as a reproof to Whittier, but it indi- 
cated what was then a common view among educated men. 
Sumner himself was then averse to politics, like his intimate 
friend Longfellow, and "could not for a moment think of 
entering the political arena." He also declined a congressional 
nomination, two years later, against Robert C. Winthrop, and 
allowed his intimate friend Dr. Howe to lose credit and in- 
fluence by standing for Congress in his place. A few years 
later Sumner was forced to become a politician, upon his 
election to the Senate. Indeed, Longfellow's brother-professor 
in Harvard College Dr. Palfrey was nominated and chosen 
to Congress from this same Middlesex District; and it was 
in support of his reelection that Emerson made the speech in 
1851 which procured for him a storm of hisses at the Cam- 
bridge public meeting. Whittier never had scruples of this 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 


Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. [April, 

scholarly kind against engaging in politics. In early years of 
activity he had desired a nomination to Congress; he had 
been chosen to the State Legislature, had served there, and 
was ready at all times to take his part, with his fellow- 
citizens, in the duties and discomforts of self-government. 
Nothing was farther from his thoughts than anarchy; he 
was one of the multitude himself, and depended on seeing the 
function of government duly performed in his province, what- 
ever that province might be. If he thought ill of his country's 
Constitution, he knew how it could be improved, and he set 
to work to make things better. He was never a believer in 
the non-voting hypothesis of government, and he separated 
from Garrison and the extreme abolitionists on that issue, 
among others. Like most of the Quakers, however, he did 
not believe in war; and made the mistake of supposing, as 
late as 1859, that slavery could be peacefully abolished. 

Things had got beyond that even in 1847, when Whittier 
became one of the chief editorial writers for Dr. Bailey's 
National Era, the antislavery weekly established in Washing- 
ton, after the cause of Liberty began to have bold defenders 
in the House and Senate at the national capital. One of the 
first of these, in point of time, was the aged Ex-president 
John Quincy Adams, whose great political prudence had 
kept him from acting against slavery while president, and 
candidate for the presidency; but who, as early as 1820, had 
seen, with his native sagacity, that slavery and the Union 
could not continue long to coexist, and had entered in his 
Dfiary for February 24, in that year, this remarkable pass- 

** I had some conversation with Calhoun on the slave-question pend- 
ing in Congress. He said he did not think it would produce a disso- 
lution of the Union; but if it should, the South would be compelled to 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Whittier as Mm, Foet, and Reformer. 205 

form an alliance, offensive and defensive, with Great Britain. I said, 
tliat woold be returning to the Colonial state. He said ' Yes, pretty 
mnch; but it wonld be forced upon them.' I pressed the conversa- 
tion no further. 

*' But if the dissolution of the Union should result from the slave- 
question, it is as obvious as anything that can be foreseen of the fu- 
ture, that it must shortly afterwards be followed by the universal 
emancipation of the slaves. Slavery is the great and foul stain upon 
the North American Union, and it is a contemplation worthy of the 
most exalted soul, whether its total abolition is or is not practicable ; 
if practicable, by what means it may be effected, and if a choice of 
means be within scope, what means would accomplish it at the 
smallest- cost of human suffering?" 

Having thus stated the problem Mr. Adams went on to 
foretell its solution, in these extraordinary words, which our 
age has seen literally fulfilled, forty-odd years after they 
were inscribed in the secret diary of a secretary of state at 
Washington : — 

"A dissolution, at least temporary, of the Union as now consti- 
tuted, would be necessary ; and the dissolution must be upon a point 
Involving the question of slavery and no other. The Union might 
then be reorganized on the fundamental principle of Bmancipation. 
This object is vast in its compass, awful in its prospects,— sublhne 
and beautiful in its issue. A life devoted to it would be nobly spent, 
— or sacrificed." 

Many lives were, in eflfect, so sacrificed, but not Adams's 
own. He continued to uphold the Union as it was, — the 
Union fatally tied to the perishable barbarism of slavery, and 
certain, if the tie were not cut, to destroy both the country and 
its barbarism. Whittier for many years, after opposing 
slavery with all his might, still cherished the delusion that it 
could be peacefully abolished. Once it could have been, had 
Washington and Jefferson, i^ the closing decade of the 
eighteenth century, followed the lead of Franklin, wisest man 
of his century, who pressed actively for emancipation, as did 
the real leaders of the French Revolution, and the English 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

206 Whittier as Mem, Poet, and Reformer. [April, 

liberals. Both those great Virginians knew that Franklin 
was right; both were abolitionists; and Jefferson, who suc- 
ceeded Franklin at the disorganized Court of the French 
monarchy, printed at Paris, in 1785, those words of truthful 
description which have been so often quoted: — 

"The whole commerce between master and alave is a perpetual 
exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting deB- 
potlsm, on the one part, — and degrading submissions on tlie other. . . . 
With what execration should ttiat statesman be loaded who» permit- 
ting one-half the citizens to trample on the rights of the other half, 
transforms those into de^K)t8 and these into enemies,— destroying the 
morals of the one part and the patriotism of the other! And can 
the liberties of a nation be deemed secure when we have removed 
their only firm basis, — a conviction that these liberties are the gift 
of God, — ^that they are not to be violated without His wrath? I 
tremble for Virginia when I reflect that God is just ; that His Justice 
cannot sleep forever; that, considering numbers, Nature, and natural 
means only, a revolution of the wheel of Fortune is among possible 
events; that it may become probable by supernatural interference. 
The Almighty has no attribute that can take sides with us in such a 

Why, then, did not Washington and Jeflferson, with their 
high-toned neighbor Colonel George Mason, act upon the con- 
siderations so forcibly stated? Because, I fancy, the political 
problems of their time were so pressing that they felt it a 
duty to hold the nation together, against the soured enmity of 
England, long coveting her revolted Colonies, and the wild 
ambition of Napoleon, which fluctuated between establishing 
an American empire based on negro slavery, and giving up 
the French possessions in Afmerica to strengthen our Republic 
against England, which was his real motive in selling 
Louisiana to Jefferson. And our nation was held together, 
in spite of the angry disunion sentiment of the New England 
Federalists in 1804, ready to join with Aaron Burr in over- 
throwing the "Virginia dynasty," — ^and against the tendency 
to separation on the part of the Mississippi Valley States, a 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] fVhittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. 207 

few years later; when Burr hoped, by their aid, to establish 
for himself a vast slaveholding empire in Louisiana, Texa^, 
and Mexico. Thwarted in this by the sagacity of Jefferson 
and the honesty of Andrew Jackson, Burr betook himself to 
Europe, and there for years sought to betray his country 
either to England or to Napoleon, as either should offer him 
the highest personal bribe. I have seen a letter from Wash- 
ington by a New Hampshire member of Congress, John 
Adams Harper, in 1813, to his party leader, the Democratic 
Governor of New Hampshire, William Plumer, in which he 
reported an offer made by Napoleon, then beginning to be in 
straits after his failure in Russia, that he would join with 
England in dividing the troublesome American States at the 
Potomac, — Great Britain to take New England and the 
Northern half; and France, Virginia, Louisiana, and the 
Southern half. This offer, if ever made, may have been only 
one of those schemes chasing each other through the restless 
mind of the French despot; but it would not have been un- 
acceptable to some of the New England Federalists, who 
were quite ready, from 1812 to the victory of Jackson at New 
Orleans, to welcome an alliance with England, if not absolute 
dependence on the still reigning George HL 

However this may be, the necessity of holding our young 
Republic together forbade efforts to abolish slavery by peace- 
ful compensation; and by 1830 it had so strengthened itself, 
with the aid of King Cotton, that the South became insolent, 
and refused even to consider its abolition. From that time 
forward, its destruction by force was the only solution of the 
problem, unless the North should be willing to see slavery 
made national, instead of decreasingly sectional. For this 
bad purpose the annexation of Texas was carried; and the 
Mexican War was waged; and after 1848 the question, as a 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

208 Whittier as Mm, Poet, and Reformer. [April, 

practical one, was no longer emancipation, but how to stop 
slavery extension and the reopening of the slave-trade. Upon 
that basis the Liberty party, of which Whittier was one of 
the chief founders, was merged in the Free-soil party of 
1848, supporting Van Buren for the presidency against the 
Southern Whig General Taylor, and soon carrying Massa- 
chusetts by an alliance with the Jeffersonian democrats, 
headed by Boutwell and Rantoul. The disgust of Massa- 
chusetts at Webster's Fugitive-slave Law, and his seventh 
of March speech, in 1850, gave the election of that November 
into the hands of the coalition, and Whittier was then called 
upon to use his matchless powers of political combination and 
persuasion, to secure the election to the Senate of his friend 
Charles Sumner. It was he who induced Sumner to be the 
candidate of the coalition, in the early winter of 1860-51; 
and, although at one point he advised Sumner to withdraw, 
in order to rebuke the bad faith of certain Democrats, — 
among them his old friend Caleb Cushing, — ^yet the candidate 
stayed in the field, and was elected, late in April, by a single 
vote. This was the beginning of Sumner's great service to his 
native State, which continued till his death in 1874, — ^the 
most faithful servant and wisest statesman Massachusetts has 
had for a century. When he was maliciously censured by a 
partisan legislature, for one of the best acts of his life, 
Whittier was unwearied in getting the stigma removed. 
By this time the poet of the Minority had become the aged 
seer and adviser of the Majority ; and well did Whittier per- 
form this later duty. Good sense is not reckoned among the 
most conspicuous and expected qualities of poets ; but it was 
characteristic of our Merrimac Valley poet from the first. 
Had his health after childhood been as robust and cheerful 
as his common sense, he would have been a noted leader in 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. 

the most active paths of politics and reforms. But an early 
injury, growing out of his excessive farm-labors, kept him on 
the borders of invalidism all the rest of his days, and made 
him much more retired in his way of life than his natural 
tendency would have suggested. He had the godd Yankee 
quality of " sociability " ; he was neighborly and even gossip- 
ing in his nature, and spent many hours in his village 
existence, sitting on stools and boxes in groceries and shoe- 
shops, chatting with his townsmen. He did not put the com- 
pany to flight, and check conversation, when he set foot in the 
famiUar group seated around the stove, as Emerson comfdains 
that be did. Nor was there ever a poet who better understood 
the conditions and sentiments of labor in New England; and 
his " Songs of Labor," in their merits and defects, went very 
dose to the mark. He had been a laborer himself, and from 
first to last he S3rmpathi2ed with the upright industry and 
thrift of New England. 

His familiarity with all that went to compose the idyll of 
rural life in Nfew England, — the toil, the prayer, the nooning 
of Summer, the snow-bound days of Winter, the gfrace of 
Spring, the painted pageant of October, — ^the domestic life 
of women, the fun and earnest of the village, — ^the days of 
ha3miaking on the Salisbury and Hampton meadows, the 
freighting of hay on the Merrimac, — ^all this and more con- 
stitutes Whittier the laureate of ancient Essex and Rocking- 
ham, the two counties with which his early life made him 
best acquainted. Few of us now survive who remember, of 
our own observation, all that he relates; but there it is, 
packed away, like honey in the hive, in the Tascinating story 
of "Snow-Bound." It sounds a little strained to apply the 
word " great " to any one of Whittier's poems ; but this one 
comes so near being a great poem, that the author's modesty 
Vol LXV. No. 26a 2 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

210 Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. [April, 

must allow the designation. The characters in "Snow- 
Bound " stand out clear and fresh, like the persons in Homer ; 
or, more exactly, they recall the rustic scenes and personages 
of Hesiod. This field of poesy — ^what has been called both 
pastoral and idyllic — belongs to Whittier by natural right, 
as much as his hexameters to Hesiod, <^ the Doric and 
Sicilian strains of Theocritus or Moschus. AflFectation is 
lacking; the picture is drawn, the person is presented, with 
all the offhand readiness of Nature herself. Only those who 
have forgotten the homely dialect of Rockingham and Essex 
will catch at some of Whittier's words as odd. They come 
naturally from him; and so do the colloquial misfits of accent 
and rhyme, that sometimes make the scholar smile. Whittier 
could accent " r6mance " and " ideal " on their first syllable, 
and we let it pass ; as in that favorite poem of his own " The 
Reformer," which to me, also, has ever seemed one of his best, 
both in thought and melody : — 

"Young Romance raised his dreamy eyes 
Cerhung with paly lodu of gold, — 
* Why smite,' he asked, in sad surprise, 
•The fair, theoldT" 

The picture is a good one; indeed, this poem is a series of 

pictures, in verse wellnigh faultless : — 

** All grim and soiled, and brown with tan, 
I saw a Strong One, in his wrath, 
Smiting the godless shrines of man 
Along his path. 
•'The Church, beneath her trembling dome, 
Bseayed in vain her ghostly charm : 
Wealth shook within his gilded home. 
With strange alarm. 

•' Fraud from his secret chambers fled 
Before the sonlight bursting in : 
Sloth drew her pillow o*er her head 
To drown the din. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer. 211 

** * Spare,' Art Implored, ' yon hoi j pile ! 

' That grand, old, time-worn turret spare !' 
Meek Reverence, kneeling in the aisle, 
Cried out * Forbear !' 

"Gray-bearded Use, who, deaf and blind, 
Groped for his old accustomed stone, 
Leaned on his staff, and w^t to find 
His seat o'erthrown." 

All this shocks the poet ; but after a pause he looks again : — 

"The grain grew green on battle-plains. 

O'er swarded war-mounds grazed the cow ; 
The slave stood forging from his chains 
The spade and plow. 

*' Throus^ prison walls, like Heaven-sent hope, 
Freeh breezes blew, and sunbeams strayed; 
And with the idle gallows-rope 

The young child played. 

" The outworn rite, the old abuse. 

The pious fraud transparent grown. 
The Good held captive in the use 
Of Wrong alone, — 

** These wait their doom, — ^f rom that great law 
Which makes the past time serve To-day : 
And fresher life the world shall draw 
From their decay. 

" O backward-looking son of Time ! 
The new is old, the old is new ; 
The cyde of a change sublime 

Still sweeping through.*' 

Here is the optimism, and something of the mysticism, of 
Emerson and Thoreau ; and this poem dates from 1846, when 
the summer of Transcendentalism was not yet waning into 
autumn. But this optimism was sometimes amiss in its con- 
fident prediction; as in that mistaken ballad of Whittier on 
" Brown of Osawatomie," which, late in 1859, hardly fifteen 
months before the outbreak of the Civil War, and while the 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

212 Whittier as Man, Poet, and Reformer, [April, 

murders in Kansas were scarcely ended, declared that the day 
of battle was over : — 

" Nevermore may yon Blue Ridges the Northern rifle 

Nor see the light of blazing homes flash on the 

negro's spear! 
But let the free-winged angel Truth their guarded 

passes scale, 
To teach that Right is more than Might, and Justice 

more than mail. 

"So vainly shall Virginia set her battle in array; 
In vain her trampling squadrons knead the winter 

snow with clay. 
She may strike the pouncing eagle, but she dares not 

harm the dove; 
And every gate she bars to Hate shall open wide to 


Whitticr's mistake here was twofold ; he assumed, contrary 
to the fact, that John Brown was inspired by hatred of the 
slaveholders ; and he exaggerated the power of Christian love 
in dealing with men in a passion. The Virginians of 1869 
were no longer capable of considering calmly the emancipa- 
tion of their slaves, as they might have done while Washing- 
ton and George Mason were living; they misinterpreted every 
effort to free the land from its worst clog and contradiction, 
negro slavery. As for Brown, his hatred of the barbarism of 
slavery was complete; but he regarded all men with a broad 
charity, and preferred to believe them good men until their 
actions showed the contrary. Unlike as he was in externals 
to Coventry Patmore's gentle heroine, it could be said of him 
as of her : — 

" His life, all honor, observed with awe, 
Which cross experience could not mar, 
The fiction of the Christian law, 
That all men honorable are." 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.J Whittier as Mem, Poet, and Reformer. 213 

This also was Whittier's turn of mind, after he had outgrown 
the vehemence of his early onslaughts against classes and 
perscms; it is, indeed, the principle of the higher Quakerism. 
Brown was wiser than Whittier, when he said on the last 
day of his Virginia prison-cell, " I am now quite certain that 
the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but 
with Uood. I had, as I now think, vainly, flattered myself 
that without very much bloodshed it might be done." Six 
years had to pass, and the winter snow be five times trampled 
with the red clay of Virginia, before either Love or Hate 
could open the door to Richmond. Even then another martyr 
must be added to Brown, and the myriads who followed him 
in death; and Abraham Lincoln must die by an assassin, ere 
the cause for which Brown and Lincoln died could peacefully 
prevail. The bullet as well as the ballot was needful to de- 
stroy Slavery ; and that our poet lived to see. Then, in fact, 
after years of battle, — 

" Where frowned the fort, payilions gay, 

And cottage windows, flower-entwined. 
Looked ont upon the peaceful bay 
And hills behind," 

and the aged bard could sing, as he had chanted forty years 
earlier, — 

" Grown wiser for the lesson given, 
I fear no l<Miger ; for I know 
That where the share is deepest driven, 
The best fmits grow." 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

214 "Suffer Little ChUdren to Come unto Me." [April, 




*' It muBt not be disBembled that there are many real dlfflcoltles in 
the Christian Scriptures; whilst, at the same time» more, I believe, 
and greater, may Justly be imputed to certain maxims of interpreta- 
tion, which have obtained authority without reason, and are received 
without inquiry." — ^Palst (from a sermon on 2 Peter ill. 15-16). 

With a profound conviction that, notwithstanding the 
lavish use which has been made of this passage of Scripture, 
in theological controversy and otherwise, the Word of God 
can yet shed light upon it, we undertake the gathering to- 
gether of the rays of that light, in order that, when brought to 
a proper focus, they may illuminate this text with the mind 
of the Spirit of God, and dispel the mists and darkness of 
vagueness and preconceived opinion which have heretofore 
clouded its interpretation. We may run the risk of being 
thought presumptuous, but will, nevertheless, venture the 
assertion that no other passage of Scripture, considering the 
immense frequency with which it has been dted from the 
fathers to the present time, has received such cursory and 
arbitrary treatment as has this one. 

The fact that it was so early in the church's history taken 
as a ground for the baptism of infants, seems to have in- 
fluenced all subsequent exegesis. " Ait Dominus, Nolite illos 
prohibere venire ad me," was the common expression of 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] "Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me." 215 

satisfaction with the practice of infant baptism for centuries.^ 
That custc»n prevailing for many centuries, and being uni- 
versal, after the time of Irenseus, until the Reformation 
brought in the spirit of inquiry concerning the things of God, 
the passage seems to have acquired a supposititious meaning, 
one which sanctioned the baptism of infants, although baptism 
is not at all mentioned in either it or the parallel passages in 
th^ other Gospels, whilst the most ardent advocate of infant 
baptism would hardly contend that the little children here 
particularly referred to were brought to Jesus to be baptized ; 
for John iv. 2 expressly tells us that " Jesus himself baptized 
not'' The fact that "but his disciples" is added does not 
change the situation at all; for we read, also, ''but the 
disciples rebuked them" (Matt. xix. 13). 

We do not, however, wish it to be thought that we purpose 
writing upon the subject of baptism — ^a fruitful cause of 
strife and contention. We confine ourselves to the elucida- 
tion of a single incident in the life of our blessed Lord, and be- 
lieve that our labor is not in vain. Our introductory references 
to baptism merely serve to indicate the probable cause of the 
obscurity of exegesis accorded this not unimportant passage 
of Scripture. 

The passage itself is as follows: — 

" Then were there brought unto him little children, that he should 
pot his hands on them and pray; and the disciples rebuked them. 
But JesoB said, Suffer little children, and forbid them not, to come 
unto me, for of snch is the kingdom of heaven. And he laid his 
hands on them and departed thence." 

We have here seven facts stated, and we believe that each 
one will be found to contribute its quota to the establishment 
of our general proposition. 

The first fact stated is that, " Then were there brought unto 
^Apost Ck>nBt. Ti. 16, p. 880. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

216 "Suffer Little ChUdren to Come unto Me." [April, 

him little children"; the second, "that he should put his 
hands on them"; the third, "and pray"; the fourth, "ami 
the disciples rebuked them" ("that brought them/' adds 
Mark; but these words are omitted by the two oldest manu- 
scripts and the Revised Version, although this does not alter 
the meaning at all) ; the fifth, " But Jesus said, SufiFer little 
children, and forbid them not, to come unto me, for of such 
is the kingdom of heaven " ; the sixth, " And he laid his hands 
on them " ; the seventh, "and departed thence." 

Each of the three synoptic Gospels gives us an account of 
this matter, the parallel narratives being Mark x. 13-16 and 
Luke xviii. 15-17. Mark says : — 

*'And they brought young children to him, that he should touch 
them; and his disciples rebuked those [that brought them]. But, 
when Jesus saw it, he was much displeased, and said unto them, 
Suffer the little children to come unto me, and forbid them not; for 
of such is the kingdom of God. Verily, I say unto you, whosoever 
shall not receive the kingdom of God as a little child, he shall not 
enter therein. And he took them up in his arms, put his hands upon 
them, and blessed them." 

The only change worthy of note at this point which Luke's 
narrative gives us is that the "little children" who were 
brought to him are called "infants," in supposed corre- 
spondence to a difference in the Greek word used, which the 
Revised Version renders "babes." We shall reserve our 
comments on this variation for another place; and merely 
remark now that it is not well to lay undue stress on this 
difference in the accounts, for reasons which will later appear. 

As an additional preliminary, in order that all the facts 
may be fairly before us, it is proper to call attention to the 
slight changes of rendering of the Revised Version. Those 
worthy of notice are, in addition to the one noted supra, the 
insertion of the definite article before "little children" in 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] "^ Suffer Little ChUdren to Come unto Me: 


each case where the phrase "suflfer little children" occurs, 
like the A.V. of Mark x. 14; the change, in Matt. xix. 13, 
from "put his hands on them " to " lay his hands on them " ; 
and the change, in Mark x. 16, from, " And he took them up 
in his arms, put his hands upon them, and blessed them," to, 
"'And he took them in his arms, and blessed them, laying his 
hands upon them." 

For convenience, we will here divide our subject into two 
heads: (1) the literal meaning of this passage, and (2) the 
spiritual teaching. The general haziness concerning the 
spiritual sense of this portion of Scripture is, to a considerable 
degree, attributable to the inaccurate appreciation of the 
nature of the historical facts related, we believe. 


We shall first endeavor to show the real nature of this 
incident in the life of our LcM-d. We believe that we have 
here, briefly described, one of our Lcwd's miracles of healing. 
Whatever blessing Jesus conveyed to the little children was 
in the fact that he cured physical disease with which they 
were suffering. Not all of the miracles worked by our 
blessed Lord whilst on earth are recorded in Scripture (John 
xxi. 25) ; and many of those recorded are given no special 
mention, details being omitted. The present instance is one 
of thocc miracles of healing where the details are omitted. 
Merely for example, and to show how numerous his works 
of healing undoubtedly were, and also to show the brevity of 
the account of some of them, we here quote Luke iv. 40: 
" Now, when the sun was setting, all they that had any sick 
with divers diseases brought them unto him; and he laid his 
hands on every one of them, and healed them." To the same 
effect is Matt. xii. 16, which says: "And great multitudes 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

218 "Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me." [April, 

followed him, and he healed them all " ; and Matt, xix, 2 con- 
tains a like statement, there being a difference of only a word 
or two from the passage last quoted, although the events 
recorded are not the same, but are separate instances of the 
fact we are showing. 

In view of the fact that multitudes were cured by our 
Lord, as in the three instances dted, and no detailed 
account thereof jM-eserved by the inspired penmen, there is not 
a priori improbability in the view here advocated — ^i. e., that 
a miracle of healing is briefly and sketchily narrated in the 
passage we are considering. A sufficient reason for sup- 
pressing the details of the miracle, and pressing on to teach 
the lesson which, as we learn from the accounts in Mark and 
Luke, our Saviour drew from the incident (that of humility), 
is found in the fact that enough miracles are related in de- 
tail, whilst the moral lessons, both before and after this 
event, are plainer to our minds because not interrupted by a 
diversion stating the details of this miracle. This being the 
purpose of the narrative, it is not surprising that the miracle 
should be referred to rather by implication than expressly. 
This, however, is still only h)rpothesis, and must be proved. 
That we shall now undertake to do. 

In the fact that the little children were brought unto him 
"that he should put his hands on them" ("lay his hands on 
them," R.V.), we get the first hint that a miracle was sought, 
and that those who brought the children desired that they 
might be heakd. We deduce this from the fact that it was 
our Lord's custom, in all his miracles of healing, to lay his 
hands on the recipient of the blessing of health. This is 
shown by a passage already cited in another connection 
(Luke iv. 40). We there read that a large number of sick 
with divers diseases were brought unto him "when the sun 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] ''Suffer Little Chadren to Come unto Me." 219 

was setting" (late in the day), "and he laid his hands on 
every one of them." If it had not been his invariable custom 
to lay his hands on the sick when healing them, be would 
certainly have omitted it here where there were so many to 
be healed, and at such a late hour, and after the day's toil; 
but " He laid his hands on every one of them" We may, in 
fact, readily infer that the \zymg on of our Lord's hands 
quickly became associated, in the mind of the people, with 
the thought of healing, so that, with the people, to speak of 
the one was to imply the other, as in our text. 

In the New Testament, there are five classes of references 
to the laying on of hands : — 

d. Meaning personal violence; as, when we read thstt the 
ungenerous servant " laid hands on him, and took him by the 
throat, saying, Pay me that thou owest" (Matt, xviii. 28) ; 
or, when it is said: "Then came they and laid hands on 
Jesus, and took him (Matt. xxvi. 50). Herod, likewise, "laid 
hold on John, and bound him, and put him in prison " (Matt, 
xiv. 3). The other occurrences of this phrase, in this sense, 
in the New Testament, are: Matt. xxi. 46; Mark xiv. 46; 
Luke XX. 19; xxi. 12; John vii. 30, 44; viii. 20; Acts iv. 3; 
V. 18 ; xxi. 27. 

b. With relation to the separation to some special work; 
as, Acts vi. 6 ; xiii. 3. 

c. The casual reference to the Old Testament doctrine of 
the laying on of hands (Heb. vi. 2). 

d. In connection with the impartation of the Holy Ghost 
and spiritual gifts; as. Acts viii. 17-19; xix. 6; 1 Tim. 
iv. 14; V. 22; 2 Tim. i. 6. 

e. For the purpose of healing. In this latter sense, it 
occurs more frequently than in all the others combined, while 
it is manifest that the first three of the above-named uses have 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

220 "Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me/' [April, 

absolutely no bearing on our present subject. The fourth 
use can have no relation to our subject for several reasons, 
of which it will probably be sufficient now to specify one, to 
wit, " But this spake he of the Spirit, which they that believe 
on him should receive ; for the Holy Ghost was not yet given, 
because that Jesus was not yet glorified" (John vii. 39). 
The instances in which laying or putting on of hands (some- 
times called "touching") for the purpose of curing the 
sick or raising the dead is mentioned in the New Testament 
are the following: Matt. viii. 3, 15; ix. 18, 25, 29; xx. 34; 
Mark i. 31, 41; v. 23, 41-42; vi. 5 (see ver. 2) ; vii. 32-33; 
viii. 22-25 ; ix. 27 ; xvi. 18 ; Luke iv. 40 ; v. 13 ; viii. 54 ; xiii. 
13 ; xxii. 51 ; John ix. 6, 11, 15 ; Acts v. 12 ; ix. 17 ; xiv. 3 ; 
xix. 11; xxviii. 8. 

A survey of these passages will show that, in the four 
Gospels, there are but two kinds of references to the laying 
on of hands, i.e., those above designated a and e. The 
references to violence by the expression " laid hands on him " 
being easily understood as having no possible bearing on our 
subject, we are able to affirm that, in every relevant instance 
in the Gospels where laying on of hands is mentioned, it is in 
connection with a work of healing.. 

From all this, it is evident that, when they brought little 
children unto him, " that he should put his hands on them " 
("lay his hands on them," R.V.), the thought that the 
children were in some way sick, and that they sought a cure 
at his hands, is plainly implied, due to the intimate connection 
between his cures and the touch or la3ring on of his hands. 
But, not to stop at this, we have clear accounts of three other 
instances where the sick or dead were expressly called to his 
attention, " that he should lay his hands on them," where the 
object of the laying on of his hands cannot be questioned. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] "Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me." 

and which serve to establish our proposition that, in bringing 
the sick to him for help, they were in the habit of doing it 
"that he should lay his hands on them," well knowing that 
blessing and recovery immediately followed the imposition of 
his hands. The three instances just referred to are recorded 
in Mark v. 23 ; vii. 32 ; viii. 22. In Mark v. 22-23, we read 
that Jairus came to him, " and besought him greatly, saying. 
My little daughter lieth at the point of death; I pray thee, 
cof99e and lay thy hands on her, that she ffHoy he healed, and 
she shall hve." Mark vii. 32-33 says : " And they bring unto 
him one that was deaf, and had an impediment in his speech ; 
and they beseech him to put his hand upon him. And be took 
him aside from the multitude, and put his fingers into his ears, 
and he spit and touched his tongue." Mark viii. 22-26, 
which g^ves us the third instance, besides the one in the 
passage the subject of this exposition, where the people 
brought the afflicted that he might touch them, instead of 
saying "that he might cure them," tells us that he came to 
Bethsaida; "and they bring a blind man unto him, and 
besought him to touch him. And he took the blind man by 
the hand, and led him out of the town ; and, when he had spit 
on his eyes, and put his hands on him, he asked him if he saw 
aught. And he looked up, and said, I see men as trees, walk- 
ing. After that, he put his hands again upon his eyes, and 
nade him look up; and he was restored, and saw every man 

Enough Scriptures have been cited to show reason for the 
people's associating Christ's works of healing with the laying 
on of his hands ; also, to show that they asked him to lay his 
hands on them as a synonymous expression with asking to be 
healed ( Mark v. 23), made clean (Matt. viiL 2; Mark i. 40; 
Luke V. 12), or made whole (Mark v. 28). Jesus himself 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

222 "Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me/' [April, 

spoke of forgiveness of sins as synonymous with healing, and 
asked, " Whether is it easier to say to the sick of the palsy, 
Thy sins be forgiven thee, or to say. Arise, take up thy bed, 
and walk?" (Mark ii. 9; Matt. ix. 6). In view of the works 
wrought by the hands of Jesus, the association of their 
thoughts of healing by him with the imposition of his hands is 
not surprising; but it appears, furthermore, that the ancient 
prophets of God, with the accounts of whose lives the people 
were more or less familiar, had some similar form which they 
used in working miracles; for "Naaman was wroth, and 
went away, and said. Behold, I thought be will surely come 
out to me, and stand, and call on the name of the Lwd, his 
God, and strike his hand over the place, and recover the 
leper" (2 Kings v. 11). 

In addition to the touching with the hand by the prophets, 
a " calling on the name of the Lord, their God," seems, also, 
to have been part of their usual procedure in working 
miracles, as we see above and in the following passages of 
Scripture: Ex. viii. 12, 30; xv. 26; 1 Kings xvii. 20; xviii. 
30-37; 2 Kings iv. 33; vi. 17-18; xx. 11. 

In like manner, the apostles, when working miracles of 
healing, both prayed and laid their hands on the sick person, 
as in the case of the father of Publius ; " to whom Paul entered 
in, and prayed, and laid his hands on him and healed him " 
(Acts xxviii. 8), and in the case of Tabitha, or Dorcas, who 
was raised from the dead in response to the prayer of Peter 
(Acts ix. 40). See, also, Mark xvi. 18 ; Jas. v. 14r-16 ; 1 John 
v. 16. 

Prayer was not omitted even by Christ, and, from what the 
Scriptures expressly state on the subject, we can readily infer 
that our Lord prayed unto the Father in connection with each 
of his miracles — ^because of the people which stood by, that 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] ''Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me." 223 

they might believe that the Father had sent Win (John xi. 
42). At the grave of Lazarus, we have recorded probably the 
longest address to the Father in connection with a miracle, it 
being stated as follows : " And Jesus lifted up his eyes, and 
said, Father, I thank thee that thou hast heard me. And I 
knew that thou hearest me always, but because of the people 
which stand by / said it, that they may believe that thou hast 
sent me " (Jdm xi. 41-42). Strictly speaking, this is not the 
prayer itself, no request being herein contained, and being 
thanksgiving rather than prayer, the italicized words showing 
that his prayer had already been offered up. But it is just as 
pertinent as a proof of his practice of praying in connection 
with his miracles as if it were the prayer itself, because it 
refers to the prayer. Our Lord's custom in this respect is 
shown not only by his words, " I knew that thou hearest me 
always/* coming in such a connection, nor alone by Martha's 
evident reference to his custom at the working of miracles, 
when she, entreating him to raise up her brother from the 
dead, says : " But I know that, even now, whatsoever thou 
wilt ask of God, God will give it thee " (John xi. 22). It is 
shown, also, by a number of other actual instances where he 
prayed in connection with his works of healing. The other 
passages where our Lord's prayers in connection with his 
miracles are recorded are: Matt xiv. 19; Mark vi. 41; vii. 
34 ; Luke ix. 16 ; John ix. 31. Each one of these passages 
relates to one of our Lord's miracles; and, in each (except 
JcAn ix. 31, of which we shall presently treat separately), do 
we read that Jesus " lifted up his eyes to heaven." That this 
indicates the act of prayer cannot be doubted, since we are 
told, as above quoted, of his lifting up his eyes to heaven in 
connection with his prayer at the grave of Lazarus. In ad- 
dition, we read, at the beginning of his beautiful prayer in 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

"Suffer Little ChUdren to Come unto Me." [April, 

the seventeenth of John, that " These words spake Jesus, and 
lifted up his eyes to heaven, and said, Father, the hour is 
come ; glorify thy Son, that thy Sot, also, may glorify thee," 
etc. The Pharisee stood and prayed, undoubtedly with his 
eyes upturned to heaven, whilst the publican, by way of con- 
trast, " would not lift up so much as his eyes unto heaven " 
(Luke xviii. 13). 

It may seem almost a work of supererogation to prove that 
the passages above cited, in which Jesus is said to have lifted 
up his eyes to heaven in ccwmection with his miracles, indicate 
his attitude of prayer in those cases ; but we have done so be- 
cause we wish to assume nothing in this exposition, and to 
"prove all things" (1 Thess. v. 21). We have not ex- 
hausted the proofs from Scripture on this point, but will not 
cite more, deeming the foregoing sufficient. 

The remaining instance of Jesus' praying in connection 
with a miracle is related in John ix. 31, which says : " Now, 
we know that God heareth not sinners; but, if any man be a 
worshiper of God, and doeth his will, him he heareth." 

This was the comment of the man born blind upon the 
miracle of having his sight given him. He shows that Jesus 
worked this miracle by the power of God by referring to a 
point of Old Testament teaching with which all those who 
weekly heard those Scriptures read in the synagog^ were 
familiar, i.e., that God heareth not sinners (in prayer). "If 
I regard iniquity in my heart, the Lord will not hear me," 
says the Psalmist (Ps. Ixvi. 18). Now, "this man" (ver. 
33) had been heard of God, as evidenced by the miracle, and 
was, therefore, not a sinner, reasons tfiis erstwhile blind man. 
That he had been heard of God, manifestly indicates that he 
had prayed to the Father for the sight of this blind man, and 
it is clear, too, that he had done so in the presence and hearing 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] "Suffer Utile CMdren to Come unto Me." 225 

of the man himself; for he argues, from the fact that that 
prayer had been heard and answered, that the One who had 
thus been heard was not a sinner, because " we know," said 
he, " that God heareth not sinners." 

The custom of Jesus being to pray before each miracle, for 
the reason he himself gives in John xi. 42, supra, as estab- 
lished by the passages of Scripture we have cited, another link 
is added to the chain of proof that, when there " were brought 
unto him little children that he should put his hands on them 
<ww/ pray/' those children were brought to him, not for some 
vague, mystical, perchance magical, and intangible spiritual 
influence, of an unknown nature, but for the definite and 
tangible purpose of being healed of disease, according to his 
usual form of laying on of hands and prayer. 

We now come to a third point : " And he laid his hands on 
them, and departed thence" (ver. 15). 

Immediately after performing the miracle and teaching the 
brief lesson of humility recorded by Mark and Luke in that 
connection, the crowds gathering, he "departed thence." 
This, too, was in accordance with his custom. After many of 
his miracles, he withdrew himself from the people, he was 
hidden from their view, or he departed thence. Under this 
head, for example, we will quote the following: "And he 
that was healed wist not who it was ; for Jesus had conveyed 
himself away, a multitude being in that place" (John v. 13). 
Here we have stated not only the fact that multitudes 
gathered after his miracles (a thing obviously to be expected), 
but that his reason for withdrawing himself after his miracles 
was to avoid the crowds. He might merely have desired to 
be alone (Mark vii. 24) ; but his reason for avoiding the people 
after his miracles plainly was that they desired to make him 
their king, which was not in accordance with God's purpose 
Vol. liXV. No. 258. 3 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

226 "Suffer Little 'Children to Come unto Me." [April, 

or Christ's mission at that time. Thus, after the mirack of 
the feeding of the five thousand (John vi.), wc read : " Then 
those men, when they had seen the miracle which Jesus did, 
said, This is of a truth that prophet that should come into the 
world. When Jesus, therefore, perceived that they would 
come and take him by force, to make him a king, he de- 
parted again into a mountain himself alone" (John vi. 14- 
15). More needs not to be said on this point, and it only 
remains to refer to the record of instances where Jesus 
"departed thence" after certain of his miracles, which in- 
stances are recorded as follows: Matt. ix. 7, 27; xii. 15; 
XV. 29 ; Mark i. 35 ; vi. 1 ; ix. 30 ; Luke v. 16 ; John v. 13 ; vi. 
15. Besides this, there are numbers of passages telling of 
injunctions to secrecy, for the same reason, concerning our 
Lord's miracles, " charging tbem ^straitly that no man should 
know it," which are as follows : Matt. viii. 4 ; ix. 30 ; xii. 16 ; 
Mark i. 43-44; v. 43; vii. 36; viii. 26; ix. 9; Luke v. 14: 
viii. 56. 

We now turn to the possible objections to this view, which 
are but two in ntmiber: (1) That it is said (Matt xix. 13; 
Mark x. IB; Luke xviii. 15) "but the disciples rebuked 
them," it seemmg improbable, it may be said, that the 
discipks would rebuke those that brought their children unto 
Christ, if they were afflicted with disease and sought a cure ; 
(2) that Mark adds to the narrative of the other evangelists 
the additional detail that "he blessed them" (Mark x. 16). 

We freely grant that the first of these objections is a fair 
one and should be fairly met. At first sight, it would seem 
well-nigfa incredible that any one could ever have objected to 
children afflicted by disease being brought to the Great 
Physician for healing. We believe, however, that we have 
scwnething more to offer than the mere asseveration that that 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] "Suffer Little Children to Come unto Mer %rt 

is the fact. The forwardness of the disciples in administering 
their rebukes is well illustrated by Peter's Satan-inspired 
rebuke to our ever-blessed Lord (Matt. xvi. 22 ; Mark viii. 
32-33). But the depths of the meanness of the human heart 
are as unknowable as its deceitfulness and wickedness (Jer. 
xvii. 9), and approach in unsearchableness to the judgments 
and ways of God, which are past finding out (Rom. xi. 33). 
Upder these circumstances, the citation of other and like 
examples of interference with those who sought Christ for 
healing is all that can fairly be demanded of us, in reply to 
this objection. These examples we produce forthwith: Matt. 
XX. 31 ; Mark x. 48 ; Luke xviii. 39 ; Mark ix. 38-39 ; Luke 
ix. 49-50; Matt. xv. 22-23; see, also, 2 Kings iv. 27. 

In the first instance cited, " two blind men, sitting by the 
wayside, when they beard that Jesus passed by, cried out, 
saying, I^ve mercy on us, O Lord, thou Son of David. And 
the rmltitude rebuked them, because they should hold their 

In the second instance referred to above, the disciples saw 
one casting out devils in the name of Jesus ; and, because he 
iollowed not the disciples, they forbade him. O human 
perversity I O sectarianism personified ! He followed not after 
them, and, therefore, they forbade him to work miracles for 
the alleyiatiom of suffering humanity. Consider the condition 
of the man who had his dwelling in the tombs (Mark v. 1- 
16), and judge whether qr not any disease could be half so 
dreadful as demon possession, ^d whether or not the men 
who could forbid the casting out of devils (for the reason 
given by them) were not equally caps^ble of rebuking those 
who brought little children to their Master to be healed, in- 
terrupting, as the disciples thought, his precedir^ discourse 
with the Pharisees. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

228 '' Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me." [April, 

In the third instance given, however, the reason advanced 
by the disciples probably reaches the lowest plane, being 
simple selfishness, of the grossest type. "And, behold, a 
woman of Canaan came out of the same coasts, and cried unto 
him, saying. Have mercy on me, O Lord, thou Son of David ; 
my daughter is grievously vexed with a devil. But he 
answered her not a word. And his disciples came and be- 
sought him, saying. Send her osway, for she crieth after us." 

Another instance of the same nature is that of Gehazi (2 
Kings iv.' 27), " who came near to thrust away " the Shunam- 
mite woman from Elisha's feet, when she had come to him 
to beg that the life of her son might be restored. 

With all this before us, it is believed that it is no longer 
incredible that the disciples were quite capable of rebuking 
those that brought little children unto Christ for healing, 
when, according to their notions, their pragmatical inter- 
ference was necessary to save the Lord from interruption in 
his conversation with the Pharisees who came to tempt him, 
the little children being brought to him "then" (tote — "at 
that time"), according to Matt. xix. 13, i.e., immediately 
after Jesus had spoken the words recorded in Matt. xix. 12 
to the Pharisees. 

The second objection has intrinsically little in it, and would 
not merit notice, were it not that the common view makes 
so much of it. It is alleged that there was a custom among 
the Jews, at that period, of bringing children to their famous 
teachers or rabbins, or any eminent person, in order that such 
dignitary might pronounce a benediction or blessing upon 
them, and that, in so doing, the words of blessing were ac- 
companied by the imposition of hands on the child's head, 
"by this rite" (in the present instance), says Lightfoot, "to 
admit them into the number of his disciples, or to own them 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] ''Suifer Little Children to Come unto Me." 

as belonging to his kingdom." Of course, this is a mere 
dictum on the part of Lightfoot. With a unanimity which 
would be beautiful, were its foundation scriptural, Lightfoot, 
Calmet, Clarke, Scott, Porteus, Edwards, Newman, Jacobus, 
Andrews, Farrar, Geikie, Ewald, Strauss, Keim, and others 
too numerous to name, from the most diverse, and even 
opposite, schools of Christian and unchristian doctrine, all 
assume the existence of such a custom at that time. With 
almost equal unanimity, these commentators seem to have 
thought it superfluous to prove its existence, whilst Whitby 
argues against the existence of such custom, sa3dng that, if 
such custom had then obtained, the disciples would have 
known it, and would not have rebuked them. Geikie, it is 
true, gives us an irrelevant quotation from the Talmud^ 
in an endeavor, which few seem to have thought it necessary 
to make, to substantiate his assertion; but an examination of 
all the facts will show that that quotation has no relation what- 
ever to the incident under discussion. The only authority 
cited by Keim is the passage in Buxtorf referred to by Geikie, 
whilst the others merely assume its existence, without any 

The only scriptural proof that such a custom was then in 
vogue ever attempted is the citation of Gen. xxvii. and xlviii. 
14-20, which relate to events which took place, the one {circa) 
1797 years, and the other 1726 years, before, in a diflferent 
age, patriarchal in its character, in which primitive customs 
continued in full force. 

An explanation of the first of those instances (Gen. xxvii.) 

is not far to seek nor hard to find. Isaac's " eyes were dim, 

so that he could not see" (Gen. xxvii. 1); and, therefore, 

Jacob, " a smooth man,'* could easily palm himself off on him 

1 Taken from BoxtorTs Synagoga Judaica. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

230 " Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me/' [April, 

as and for Esau, who was a "hairy man" (ver. 11), even 
though Isaac felt him (ver. 12), by means of the simple trick 
of putting " the skins of the kids of the goats upon his hands, 
and upon the smooth of his neck" (ver. 16), which, together 
with the " goodly raiment of her elder son Esau, which were 
with her in the house," which Rebekah put upon Jacob her 
younger son (ver. 15), produced the smell and feeling of 
Esau (ver. 22, 27), and deceived the sightless old man, in 
spite of the fact that he thought the voice was that of Jacob 
(ver. 22). Thus, we see that no custom of laying on of hands 
in connection with a benediction or blessing is here implied, 
it being most natural that Isaac, whose "eyes were dim, so 
that he could not see," should endeavor to determine the 
identity of the person presenting himself for a blessing by 
feeling his hands and neck, especially when he noted a differ- 
ence in the voice and knew that the one he desired to bless 
was a hairy man (ver. 11, 22). 

Besides, as well said by a writer in Kitto's " Cyclopaedia of 
Biblical Literature," "the patriarchal blessings of sons were, 
in fact, prophecies rather than blessings." 

Waiving any objection that might be urged against the use 
of an incident of patriarchal times to prove the existence of 
a rabbinical custom in the time of our Lord, we admit that, 
at first sight, the fact that Jacob laid his hands on the heads 
of Ephraim and Manasseh when blessing them (Gen. xlviii. 
14-20) seems to have greater pertinency. 

This being the sole instance in Scripture, however, where 
a blessing was connected with the laying on of hands, we are 
induced to scrutinize the matter more closely. At this time, 
Jacob was one hundred and forty-seven years old (Gen. 
xlvii. 9, 28) ; moreover, he was sick (Gen. xlviii. 1), dim- 
sighted, " so that he could not see " (xlviii. 8, 10), and unable 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] "Suffer Little CMdren to Come unto Me." »31 

to stand, but able only, by a special effort ("Israel strength- 
ened himself," ver 2), to sit upon the bed (Gen. xlviii. 2). 
Thus did he receive Joseph and his two sons, everything 
betokening the very greatest degree of weakness and physical 
incapacity on the part of Jacob. Is it surprising, then, if 
Jacob, instead of " spreading forth his hands to heaven," i. c., 
holding them aloft over the lads' heads (as we shall shortly 
show to have been the custom in blessing from then to the 
time of our Lord's sojourn on earth), suffered them to droop, 
or purposely did not undertake to spread them forth to 
heaven, but laid them on the lads' heads as a rest or support 
for them, feeling and well-knowing his inability to sustain 
them in the air, without some sort of support for them, while 
pronouncing his blessing? (It should be noted, also, that, 
inasmuch as Jacob was sitting on his bed, according to verse 
2, the lads' heads were, in this instance, at just about the 
height where his feeble hands would naturally come if 
stretched out in the most natural and comfortaUe position.) 
This is by no means an isolated instance of hands being up- 
held by extraneous support. When Israel contended with 
Amalek, Moses, in the mount, held his hands aloft until 
weariness caused them to droop. Whilst his hands were 
aloft, Israel prevailed; but, when they drooped, Amalek pre- 
vailed. Aaron and Hur, therefore, in order that Israel might 
gain the day, stood beside Moses, and Aaron supported one 
hand, and Hur the other (Ex. xvii. 11-12). See, also. Job 
iv. 3; Isa. xxxv. 3; Heb. xii. 12. 

It cannot be said that our Lord " blessed " the childrea in 
the sense of pronouncing a benediction upon them, as is 
claimed, this thought being negatived by the very fact that 
"he laid his hands on them" (Matt. xix. 15). It was not 
the customary form in which a benediction or blessing was be- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

233 ''Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me." [April, 

stowed for the dignitary to lay his hands upon the person he 
blessed, but to lift them up, as we read in Luke xxiv. 50 
(the only occasion when our Lord is said to have pro- 
nounced a blessing on any one) : " And he lifted up his 
hands and blessed them." This was the ordinary priestly 
form of benediction, such as the people awaited from 
Zacharias (Luke i. 21), as we see from Lev. ix. 22, where 
its institution is recorded: "And Aaron lifted up his hand 
towards the people." (The words of blessing are to be found 
in Num. vi. 22-27.) The hands were spiead up to heaven 
in pronouncing the benediction or blessing (1 Kings viii. 54:- 
55), which is a form in use in benedictions up to the present 

Having shown from the Holy Scriptures the form in which 
blessings were bestowed among the Jews, there can be no 
objection to the insertion of a few quotations from the Old 
Testament Apocrypha, the Talmud, and one or two other 
ancient sources of information concerning Jewish customs, 
giving us slightly more detail concerning the custom in 
question. And first we will quote Ecclus. 1. 20 : " Then he 
went down, and lifted up his hands over the whole congre- 
gation of the children of Israel, to give the blessing of the 
Lord with his lips, and to rejoice in his name." 

In the Talmud, we find the following: — 

"In what way is the sacerdotal blessing performed? ... In the 
provinces, the priests raise their hands on a level with their shoul- 
ders, but in the temple above their heads, except the high-priest, who 
does not raise his hands above the diadem [or, perhaps, rather a 
plate of gold worn on his forehead, the reason of the prohibition in 
this case being the presence on the plate of the Sacred Name]" 
(Mishna Sota, vii. 6). 

The commentary on Numbers and Deuteronomy known as 
Sifree gives the following directions: (1) the blessing to be 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] "Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me/' 233 

pronounced in Hebrew; (2) the blesser to stand; (3) with 
outstretched hands, etc. 

The ancient commentary on Numbers, Bammidbar Rabin 
(chap, xi.), tells us: — 

"At the time when the Holy One, blessed be He, said to Aaron and 
his sons, ' Thus shall ye bless,' eta, Israel said to the Holy One, ' Lord 
of the Universe, Thon tellest the priests to bless us; we want only 
Thy blessing and to be blessed from Thy mouth, according as it is 
said. Look from the abode of Thy holiness, from heav^i' (Deut 
xzYi. 15). The Holy One said, 'Although I commanded the priests 
to bless you, I am standing with them and blessing you.' Therefore, 
the priests stretch forth their hands to indicate that the Holy One 
stands behind us, and, therefore, it says, 'He looks from the win* 
dows' (Cant 11. 9) [i.e., from between the shoulders of the priests]. 
* He peeps from the lattice work ' [Le., from between the fingers of 
the priests, the fingers being arranged in pairs : forefingers with mid- 
dle fingers, ring fingers with little fingers, with the tips of the two 
thumbs and of the two forefingers, respectively, touching each other, 
thus arranging the whole ten fingers in six divisions. Lekach Tob 
of R. Eleazer b. Tobiah (the so-called Pesikta Zotarta) on Num- 

In ancient art, the act of blessing was always so repre- 
sented. Our Lord's hands are extended over the demoniac's 
head in the bas-reliefs of a sarcophagus at Verona ^ and, also, 
over a kneeling figure in an arcosolium of the cemetery of 
9t Hermes.* 

From the foregoing, it would appear to be conclusively 
established that the very fact that we are told that Jesus " laid 
his hands on them" negatives the thought that he pro- 
nounced a benediction, or blessing, on them, because, if " he 
laid his hands on them," he necessarily did not " lift up his 
hands " over them, or " spread forth his hands to heaven." 

So far from the Jews having had a custom of laying hands 
on the head of a person in blessing, that act seems to have 
been especially connected, in so far as any custom is con- 

> MaflPei, Verona lUustrata, pars Hi. p. 54. 
'Bottari, Pitture e Sculture, clzxxvii. No. 2. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

234 '' Suifer Little Children to Come unto Me." [April, 

cerned, with that which was very different frcwn blessing, i. e., 
stoning. So far as the Old Testament affords informaticm on 
the subject of the customs of the Jews as regards the laying 
on of hands, it appears that there were but three customs in 
which the imposition of hands played a part. There was the 
undoubted custom of laying the hand or hands on the offer- 
ings in connection with the sacrifices. The following are all 
the passages in the Old Testament in which that custom is 
menticmed: Ex. xxix. 10, 15, 19; Lev. i. 4; iii. 2, 8, 13; iv. 
4, 15, 24, 29, 33; viii. 14, 18, 22; xvi. 21; Num. viii. 10-12; 2 
Qiron. xxix. 23. Another such custom was in connection 
with the prophets' miracles of healing {tHde supra et infra). 
The only other such custom was that of laying hands on the 
head of a person in connection with stoning, referred to in 
the following passages: Lev. xxiv. 14; Deut. xiii. 9; xvii. 
7 ; Acts vii. 57-58 : " Bring forth him that hath cursed with- 
out the camp ; and let all the people that heard him lay their 
hands on his head, and let all the congregation stone him." 
This may be said to be the opposite of blessing. Besides the 
passages above cited, there are, in the Old Testament (we 
have already discussed the New Testament references), a 
large number of references to the laying on of hands, or the 
hand, but chiefly in a figurative sense; as, in violence (Gen. 
xxii. 12 ; xxxvii. 22, 27 ; xlix. 8 ; Josh. ii. 19 ; 1 Sam. xviii. 17 ; 
xxiv. 12-13 ; 2 Kings xi. 16 ; 2 Chron. xxiii. 15 ; Neh. xiii. 21 ; 
Esther ii. 21 ; iii. 6 ; vi. 2 ; viii. 7 ; ix. 2, 16 ; Job xli. 8 ; Isa. 
xi. 14; Obad. 13) ; judgment (Ex. vii. 4-6; ix. 3; 1 Sam. vi. 
3, 5, 9 ; 1 Chron. xxi. 17 ; Ezra viii. 18, 22, 31 ; Jer. U. 25 ; 
Ezek. vi. 14 ; xxv. 13, 16 ; xxxix. 2, 21 ; Zeph. i. 4 ; Zech. ii. 
9) ; discipline or trial (testing) (Job i. 11; ii. 5; ix. 33; xix. 
21; Ps. xxxii. 4; Ixxx. 17) ; as an expressioa for filling with, 
or direction by, the Holy Spirit in service (1 Kings xviii. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] "Suffer Little ChUdren to Come unto MeJ' 235 

46 ; 2 Kings iii. 15 ; Ezek. i. 3 ; iii. 14, 22 ; viii. 1 ; xxxiii. 22 ; 
xxxvii. 1; xl. 1). Twice do we read in the Old Testament of 
the laying on of hands to heal (2 Kings iv. 34; v. 11) ; twice 
of the person's own hand being laid on her or his head, as a 
token of shame or sorrow (2 Sam. xiii. 19 ; Jer. ii. 37) ; and 
once of an angel's hand being laid upon a man to awaken him 
from sleep (Dan. x. 10). We do not find that hands were 
laid on Aaron, his sons, or any of the priests in their conse- 
cration (Ex. xxviii. ; xxix. ; Lev. viii.) ; but we do read that 
the Lord commanded Moses to lay his hand upon Joshua, in 
designating him as his successor; and that Moses did so 
(N(um. xxvii. 18, 23) ; furthermore, that a spirit of wisdom 
filled Joshua as a result thereof (Deut. xxxiv. 9), the Spirit 
being in him prior to the laying on of Moses' hands (Num. 
xxvii. 18). In other words, God caused the mantle or spirit 
of wisdom which had been Moses' to pass to Joshua, as, in 
like manner, the mantle and power of Elijah passed to Elisha 
at a later day, and "the spirit of Elijah rested on Elisha" 
(2 Kings viii. 13-15). The other passages in the Old Testa- 
ment which, more or less remotely (and generally figurative- 
ly), refer to the laying on of hands, or the liand, in any 
sense, are the following: Gen. xlvi. 4 (cf. Num. xxii. 5, 
margin, 11) ; 2 Sam. vi. 6; 2 Kings xiii. 16; 1 Chron. xiii. 
9-10; Esther ix. 10, 15; Job xxi. 5; xxviii. 9; xxix. 
9 ; xl. 4 ; Ps. cxxxix. 5 ; Prov. xxx. 32 ; xxxi. 19 ; Isa. xi. 
8; Micah vii. 16; Zech. xiii. 7. 

An examination of all these passages (which are all in the 
Old Testament which even remotely refer to the subject) 
will make it clear that the laying on of fiands was a custom 
in use among the Jews: (1) in connection with their sacri- 
fices, and (2) in connection with the stoning of one who had 
broken the law of God, and (3) in connection with works of 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

2M ''Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me," [April, 

healing; but not in conftection with blessing. This practice 
in connection with the two things first mentioned continued 
until the destruction of Jerusalem, by the Romans under 
Titus, and dissolution of the Jewish state, because it was an 
integral and important part of their written law with relation 
to the two things named; and we have already shown that 
Jesus himself continued the use of the third of the above- 
named customs, the layhig on of hands in connection with 
works of healing. 

If, then, no custom of laying on of hands in blessing existed 
at that time, why does Mark inform us that Jesus " blessed 
them" (Mark x. 16)? This is a fair question, and shall be 
fairly answered. To answer it, it will be necessary to ascer- 
tain what light the Scriptures elsewhere throw upon the 
subject of blessing. 

Whilst the primary idea connected with blessing is, un- 
doubtedly, that which is conveyed by the accounts of Isaac's 
blessing of Jacob and Jacob's blessing of Ephraim and 
Manasseh, still the term " bless " early received the secondary 
sense of " salute," as is most clearly shown by Gen. xlvii. 7 
and 10, and is occasionally so rendered in the A.V. (1 Sam. 
xiii. 10; xxv. 14; 2 Kings iv. 29; x. 16), though not so fre- 
quently, as has been said by others, as it might have been 
(e. g., Gen. xxvii. 23; xlvii. 7, 10; 1 Kings viii. 66). 

This secondary signification of the term "bless" arose 
from the fact that salutations consisted of various expressions 
of blessing; as, "God be gracious unto thee" (Gen. xliii. 
29); "The Lord be with you"; "The Lord bless thee" 
(Ruth ii. 4) ; "Blessed be thou of the Lord" (Ruth iii. 10; 
1 Sam. XV. 13) ; "The blessing of the Lord be upon you; 
we bless you in the name of the Lord" (Ps. cxxix. 8). The 
salutation at parting consisted originally of simple blessing 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] "Suffer Little ChUdren to Come unto Me.'' 237 

(Gen. xxiv. 60; xxviii. 1; xlvii. 10; Josh. xxii. 6; 2 Sam. vi. 
18) ; but, in later times, we are told, the term shalom was in- 
troduced (it had long theretofore been used in the greeting) 
in the form "go in peace," or, rather, "farewell" (1 Sam. 
i. 17; XX. 42; 2 Sam. xv. 9). This was current at the time 
of our Saviour's ministry (Mark v. 34; Luke vii. 60; Acts 
xvi. 36), and was, possibly, adopted by him in his parting 
address (John xiv. 27), the Hebrew term being carried over 
into the Greek.^ 

The Hebrew term "bless" (barak), after acquiring its 
secondary significance, spoken of above, was likewise carried 
over, through the Septuag^nt, into the Greek, and is repre- 
sented by the word evXoX^ in the passage before us 
(Thayer). As a writer in Kitto remarks, "The word barak, 
which originally signified 'to bless,' meant, also, *to salute,' 
or 'to welcome,' and 'to bid adieu' (Gen. xlvii. 8-11; 2 
Kings iv. 29)." 

To say, therefore, that "he blessed them" (Mark x. 16) 
and "departed thence" (Matt. xix. 15) is the equivalent of 
saying that he bade them adieu, by saying to them " Go in 
peace," or using some similar form of parting salutation, and, 
possibly, lifting up his hands over them (not specifically men- 
tioned in the passage) after the manner of oriental salutations, 
as, in like manner, we read that, at Bethany, our Lord blessed 
the disciples and was "carried up into heaven," this being 
his parting salutation to the disciples on his departure from 
them (Luke xxiv. 50). See, also, for other New Testa- 
ment instances of the merging of blessing and salutation, 

*W. L, Bevan, on this, Bays: "The Greek expression [Go In 
peace] Is evidently borrowed from the Hebrew, the proposition fh 
not betokening the state into which, but answering to the Hebrew h 

In which the person departs" (Smith, Bible Dictionary, p. 1008).* 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

238 ''Suffer Little ChUdren to Come unto Me." [April, 

Matt, xxiii. 39; Luke xiii. 35; Matt. xxi. 9; Mark xi. 
9 ; Luke xix. 38 ; John xii. 13 ; Ps. cxviii. 26. 

Summing up, we are justified, we think, in repeating that 
the parents of these particular children brought them to Jesus 
'* that he might lay his hands on them," to the end that they 
might be cured of disease, and that "he laid his hands on 
them," curing them, and saluted them, and "departed 


We now turn to the other branch of our subject — ^the 
spiritual signification; for, undeniably, there is a spiritual 
significance to the words of our Lord, " Suffer little children, 
and forbid them not, to come unto me, for of such is the 
kingdom of heaven." We shall now endeavor briefly to show 
what that meaning, according to Scripture, is. We believe 
that a prevalent misconception concerning the nature of the 
historical fact has obscured this spiritual teaching. If we 
have in the foregoing shown the true character of this inci- 
dent, and shown it to be devoid of mystical, imaginary, or 
undefined meaning, we can with the fewer words point out 
what is implied in the invitation to ccMire unto him which 
Christ here extends to little children. We do not limit that 
invitation to the particular children then in his presence, al- 
though the words, especially as rendered in the R.V., might 
seem to allow such interpretation: "Suffer the little chil- 
dren," etc., in every occurrence of the phrase. We believe 
that there is more in it than that, and that we miss teaching 
of value unless we see in these words an invitation to conr: 
unto him to children of all time. He who had said, " Come 
unto me all ye that labor and are heavy laden, and I will give 
you rest" (Matt. xi. 28), here tells little children that the 
same gracious invitation holds good for them. Neither years 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] "Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me." «39 

nor righteousness are requisite for coming unto him; all, 
whether old or young, rich or poor, learned or unlearned, 
are possessed of the one qualification which enables them to 
know that this invitation is addressed to them. They all are 
sinners. If the Saviour says to all mankind, toiling in the 
slavery of sin, ''Come unto me, all ye that labor and are 
heavy laden, and I will give you rest," etc., and we under- 
stand by that invitation (as we must) that he invites all men 
to believe on him, and (Rom. v. 1), ** being justified by faith, 
have peace with God" ("rest"), what shall we understand 
wlien the Saviour speaks of little children, saying: "SuflEer 
little children, and forbid them not, to co^ne unto me," etc.? 
If the coming in the one case is by faith, is it not equally so 
in the other? In the first instance, all men are invited to come 
to Christ, manifestly in a spiritual sense and by faith in him ; 
in the other, those who had shown that spirit which would 
prevent the little ones* believing on him, were expressly in- 
structed to suffer them to come unto him. The invitation 
which had theretofore been general to all mankind is here 
defined to include the little children. Such little children as 
sought to know him were to be allowed to acquaint them- 
selves with him and be at peace (Job xxii. 21); for "this 
is life eternal that they might know thee, the only true God, 
and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent" (John xvii. 3). 
Notwithstanding their youth, no one was to say them nay. 

Plain as all this is, we do not rest content until we have 
examined all passages of Holy Scripture where coming to 
Christ is mentioned, in order that Scripture itself may de- 
termine the meaning of the expression. The fact is that, in 
every case where such invitation to come to him is extended, 
or the matter in any way referred to, the coming is plainly 
by faith in him, and not otherwise. Strange it would be, 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

240 " Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me/' [April, 

tlierefore, if, in this single passage of the Word of God, 
coming to Qirist should mean going to Sunday-school; 
baptism ; the infantile saying of formal prayers in spite of the 
fact that the prayers of believers only are heard of God (John 
ix. 31 ; Ps. Ixvi. 18) ; etc. The passages where coming to 
Christ is referred to are as follows: Matt. xi. 28-30; John 
V. 40; vi. 35, 37-40, 44-45, 66; vii. 37-39; xiv. 6. (Cf. J<*n 
xiii. 33, which may be of some importance as showing that 
" little children," whether that term be used in a literal or a 
figurative sense, cannot now come to Christ in any but a 
spiritual sense.) In order that the full force of these passages 
may be realized, some of them will be here quoted: — 

"And ye wHl not come unto me that ye might have life" (John 
V. 40). 

"And Jesus said unto them, I am the bread of life. He that 
cometh to me shall never hunger, and he that helieveth on me shall 
never thirst ... All that the Father hath given me shall come to me; 
and him that cometh to me I will in no wise cast out ... No man 
can come to me, except the Father which hath sent me draw him. . . . 
Every man, therefore, that hath heard, and hath learned of the Fa- 
ther, cometh unto me" (John vi. 35, 37, 44-46). 

** But there are some of you that believe not For Jesus knew 
from the beginning who they were that believed not, and who should 
betray him. And he said, Therefore, said I unto you, that no man 
can come unto me, except it were given unto him of my Father " 
(John vi. 64-65). 

From the passages already quoted, it will be seen that the 
expression " come unto me " is used as and for, and as 
synonymous with, "believe on me"; they are used intei- 
changeably ; and they are so used as to indicate that all who 
had " come " to Christ, in the special sense indicated by these 
passages, had " believed " on him, the expressions being 
synonymous as used in these ^Scriptures. That spiritual 
coming, by faith, is meant, is plainly to be seen, from the fact 
that there were some, like Judas Iscariot, who had come, so 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] "Suffer Little ChUdren to Come unto Me." 841 

far as their bodies were conceraed, but who are expressly 
said to be unable to conte (by faith), because not given to 
them of the Father (see John vi. 64, 65, 66, 70-71). 

We merely refer to the passage (John xiv. 6) where we 
read that Jesus said, " I am the Way, the Truth, and the Life ; 
no man oometh unto the Father but by me " (which can cer- 
tainly be taken in none but a spiritual sense), and pass on to 
the final quotation on this point : — 

'^ In the last day, that great day of the feast, Jesos stood and cried, 
sayhig. If any man thirst, let him oome vnto me and drink. He ih4it 
helieveth on me, as the Scripture hath said, out of his belly shall flow 
riyers of Hying water. But this q[>ake he of the Spirit, which they 
that heUeve on Mm should reeeiye" (John ylL 87-89). 

Nothing could make plainer the usage of our Lord and 
Scripture, that they speak of coming to Christ and believing 
in him as one and the same thing, both resulting in the gift of 
the Holy Ghost, the two expressions being used interchange- 
ably in the passage just quoted and in others. 

With this many would agree. All we maintain is, that, 
when Christ says, "Suffer little children, and forbid them 
not, to come unto me," the expression "come unto me'' 
means the same thing as we have shown that it elsewhere in 
Scripture always means. This thought is confirmed, if it 
need confirmation, by the language of our Lord, when he 
speaks of "little ones which believe in me" (Matt, xviii. 
6). It is unnecessary to discuss how any one could forbid the 
children to believe in him, or the likelihood of their doing 
so. That it could be done, and that stumbling-blocks could 
be placed in the way of children on account of their youtli, 
is apparent and well known to all. It has, moreover, been 
done. Tertullian, for instance, says: "Why should the 
innocent [?] age hasten to the forgiveness of sins? How can 
Vol liXV. No. 25a 4 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

24» *' Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me." [April, 

we think of entrusting heavenly things to that age tq-wjiich 
we cannot entrust earthly things?" Children are often 
relegated to a supposed limbo, whence it is not expected they 
wiH emerge until they have reached years (not of discretion, 
but) of maturity. They are, in the meantime, the repipients 
of a certain. amount of instruction about the Bible, perchance, 
but generally none about Christ as a divine Saviour for; them, 
to whom they may come by faith, any tendency towards 
spiritual awakening being quenched by stock phrases, such 
as : ** Yott are probably mistaken " ; " You are too young to 
understatid such things"; "Wait until you are older"; etc. 
This, some euphemistically call " bringing ^up the child in the 
nurture and admonition of the Lord " ; but we fear it rather 
falls short of the scriptural injunction to that effect (Eph. vi. 
4). We should rather say that, in addition, distinct teaching 
concemipg Christ as a personal Saviour for the little children 
would come within the scriptural requirement. This teaching 
could be beautifully enforced by an express appeal to the 
Saviour's own special invitation to the little children to come 
unto him (believe on him), and the safeguard which he had 
mercifully provided for those " little ones which believe " in 
him, in the announcement of a special woe to such as should 
cause one such little one to stumble. The children may come 
to Christ, because the terms of his invitation to all mankind 
are so broad that they include children. He says: "Come 
unto me, all ye that labor and are heavy laden, and I will 
give you rest." He assures us, furthermore, that "him that 
Cometh unto me, I will in no wise cast out." Both these 
blessed statements include children; but we can go further. 
Lest any one might misunderstand the breadth of his offer 
of salvation, which extends even to the man whose sins may 
be " as scarlet," and to the woman whose guilt may be " red 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] ''Suffer Little Children to Come unto Mer 243 

like crimson" (Isa. i. 18), and say, "Children are too young 
and are not included," he expressly invites the little ones to 
believe on him, saying, "Suffer little children, and forbid 
them not, to come unto me, for of such is the kingdom of 

It is certainly a misuse of this beautiful invitation to per- 
sonal faith in the crucified Redeemer to say that this text 
sanctions the baptism of unbelieving (because unintelligent) 
infants; that it sanctions the practice of teaching unbelieving 
(because unintelligent) infants to repeat formal prayers, 
when those prayers necessarily cannot be heard by God, be- 
cause not " mixed with faith " ; or to say that the children are 
thereby invited to come to Sunday-school. Far be it frcwn us 
to decry that instrumentality for bringing souls to Christ; but, 
for the sake of scriptural accuracy, we merely wish to say that, 
to come to Sunday-school is not the same thing as to come to 
Christ; and the passage we Have been considering is an invi- 
tation to come to Christ. 

It only remains to consider the objections which may be 
raised to the view we have here advocated. 

Briefly stated, they turn upon the age of the children 
brought to Christ " that he should put his hands on them and 
pray"; because Mark and Luke make it appear that the 
lesson of hunrility illustrated by a little child was given in 
connection with the miracle of healing above discussed and 
the Saviour's words, "Suffer little children," etc. This, 
then, connects the disjoined narratives of Matt, xviii. 1-6 and 
Matt. xix. 13-15, and gives us this fact, that the little ones 
brought to Christ at this time are used by him as examples 
of " little ones which believe " in fiim, even if he does not ex- 
pressly affirm that those particular little ones did believe in 
him^ as we may fairly take it he does, wihen he says : " this 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

244 "Suifer Little ChUdren to Come unto Me/' [April, 

Uttle child" (Matt, xviii. 4); "one such little child" (ver. 
6); and, "whoso shall ofifend one of these little ones whicli 
believe in me" (ver. 6). 

The alleged force of the objection under consideration is 
said to reside in this, that, whilst Matthew and Mark merely 
speak of "little children" (waiBU ) being brought to our 
Lord, Luke speaks of " infants," or " babes," as the R.V. has 
it {fip^(^), this objection being urged by Whitby as con- 
clusive on the subject. Strength is added to this argument, 
it is claimed, by the fact that we read (Mark x. 16) that " he 
took them up in his arms," implying, it is said, that they were 
very little, indeed — ^mere babes, in fact But we read, also, 
that he took up in his arms the child mentioned in Mark ix. 
36 and Matt, xviii. 3 (who Nicephorus supposes, probably 
incorrectly, to have been Ignatius, afterwards bishop of 
Antioch). This last-named child was certainly no new-bom 
babe, as is distinctly shown by the fact that it could walk. 
The child could walk, we know, because it is written, " Jesus 
called a little child unto him'* (Matt, xviii. 2). As for the 
age of the " little children " ( wmiSia ), it is sufficient to call 
attention to the fact that the same word here translated 
"little children" is rendered "damsel" in Mark v. 39-42. 
That "damsel," when raised from the dead, was able to 
walk: "and straightway the damsel arose and walked, for 
she was of the age of twelve years" (ver. 42). In other 
words, the "little children" of Matt, xviii. 1-6; xix. 13-16; 
and Mark x. 13-16, may have been as much as twelve years 
old, like the "damsel" of Mark v. 39-42, both "little chil- 
dren " and " damsel " being represented by the same Greek 
word. We merely comment, in passing, that a child is cer- 
tainly at years of discretion and responsibflity at the age of 
twelve years, and susceptible to conviction of sin, and capable 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] ''Suffer Little ChUdren to Come unto Me." 245 

of personal faith in Christ 

No difficulty being presented by the expression "little 
children/' we hasten to take up that of " infants," or " babes " 
( fip4^ri), in Luke. It may, in the first place, not be amiss 
to call attention to the fact that, having determined the possi- 
ble age of the " little children," supra, our work is done, so far 
as the objection in question is concerned ; for Christ does not 
say, even in Luke's narrative, "Suffer the infants" (or 
" babes ") " to come unto me," but concurs with the accounts 
of Matthew and Mark in saying, "Suffer little children," 
etc., which is enough for our exposition, the Greek word here 
in Luke being irmiZla^ as in Matthew and Mark, and not 
fipi^y the word translated "infants," or "babes." Even 
the English word "infant" has a rather extended significa- 
tion, and, in cme sense, covers an age of more than twenty 
years. The Greek word which is here so translated is not 
narrowly limited in its meaning, it would seem, being vari- 
ously translated in the A.V., "babe," "infant," "young 
child," and "child." But a most significant fact is that the 
word applied to Timothy in 2 Tim. iii. 15 is the same which 
is here translated "infants" (A.V.), or "babes" (R.V.). 
In that passage, Paul says to Timothy, " from a child, thou 
hast known the Holy Scriptures, which are able to make thee 
wise unto salvation, through faith which is in Christ Jesus." 
It is needless to say that " a mere babe " (Whitby) is hardly 
capable of knowing the Scriptures, and that probably even 
Timothy's knowledge of the Holy Scriptures did not begin 
much prior to his arrival at what we should term years of 
discretion, a period subject to considerable variation in 
different children. 

But, even allowing this objection the fullest force that can 
be claimed for it, it does not militate against our view. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

246 ''Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me." [April, 

Luke says that "infants" ("babes," R.V.— )8p^<^ ) were 
brought to him; Matthew and Mark, "little children" 
(waiBia^). Why may not fro/A,have been brought to him? 
When Matthew and Mark tell us that " little children " were 
brought to him, they do not say that " babes," also, were not 
brought to him. On the other hand, Luke, in saying that 
"babes" were brought to him, does not deny that "little 
children," also, may have .been brought with the others. 
" In ordinary cases," says Rawlinson, " and more particularly 
in cases where brevity has been studied, mere silence proves 
absolutely nothing." It must not be forgotten that different 
eye-witnesses of the same eyent notice different details of the 
attendant circumstances. Infidels have made use of this kind 
of argument in their endeavors to discredit the historical 
character of the narratives of the four Gospels, pretending 
that the mere omission by one evangelist of. a fact mentioned 
by another is a discrepancy; as, here, Matthew and Mark 
affirm tljat "little children (TratS^) were broyght to him, 
whilst Luke says that still smaller children, " babes " (fip^)y 
were brought to him. There is here, however, no contra- 
diction or discrepancy; for Luke does not deny the presence 
there of "little children" older than the "babes" he men- 
tions ; nor do Matthew and Mark affirm that " babes " were 
not there as well as " little children." " The weak character 
of the argument a silentio is now admitted by all tolerable 
critics," again says Rawlinson, though Strauss's "Life of 
Jesus " is full of just such fallacious reasoning in his elabor- 
ate attempt to prove Christianity to be founded on a myth. 
Thus, if we take, for example, the second of the sections in 
whiqh Strayss expressly undertakes the consideration of the 
(alleged) " disagreements of the canonical gospels," we shall 
find, among other things, the following enumeration of so- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] "Suffer Little Children to Come unto Me/' *« 

called discrepancies in relation to the Annunciation: — 

** 1. The ImlK ldu al who appeam is called; in Matthew, bm avsel 
of the Lord ; in Luke, the angel Gabriel 2. The persoa ta whom the 
angel appears is, according to Matthew, Joseph ; according to Lnke, 
Mary. 3. In Matthew, the apparition is seen^in a dfean; in Lake, 
while awake. 4. There is a dtecr^mncy with reflect to the time at 
which the apparition took place. 5. Both the purpose of the appari- 
tion,' and the effect, are different'' 

The obvious explanation of all this is, that both Joseph 
and Mary had visions ; Matthew records the one, and Luke, 
the other. The silence of Matthew cannot be taken to mean 
that Mary saw no vision; nor can Luke's silence disprove 
the fact that an angel appeared to Joseph in a dream. Both 
accounts are true and accurate, but refer to separate and 
distinct events. 

In like manner, we say, we cannot assume that all the 
children brought to Christ at this time were " babes," on the 
authority of Luke, any more than we can be allowed to ignore 
the "babes," mentioned by Luke, and say that they were 
all " little children," on the authority of Matthew. What we 
do say is, that both may have been brought to our Lord. 

It is not germane to our subject to discuss the lesson of 
humility given by our Lord and illustrated by a little child, 
though we may, in conclusion, briefly refer to it. 

" Children are proper emblems of the humble, unambitious, 
submissive, and dependent spirit which is the essence and 
excellence of genuine Christianity [Christian character]," 
says Scott. And there is an evident connection bet\pen the 
words of our Lord, "Blessed are the poor in sp;rit, for 
theirs is the kingdom of heaven " (Matt. v. 3), and the words 
of our Lord, " Except ye become converted, and become as 
little children, ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven " 
(Matt, xviii. 3). "Men in understanding," "in malice 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

248 ''Suffer Little ChUdren to Come unto Me." [April, 

children" (1 G>r. xiv. 20), children of God, "as new-born 
babes, desire the sincere milk of the word, that ye may grow 
thereby" (1 Pet. ii. 2), remembering that there are but two 
things mentioned in God's most holy and perfect Word 
which are said, by him, to be "of great price"; namely, 
"the pearl of great price" (Matt. xiii. 46), the inexpressible 
preciousness of which to Christ we all know, and "a meek 
and quiet spirit, which, in the sight of God, is of great 
price" (1 Pet. iii. 6). 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. 249 




Down to the opening of the seventeenth century, religious 
intolerance was the order of the day. The human mind was 
held fast under the thrall of the spiritual power, and confined 
to a narrow channel to abandon which was perilous in the 
extreme. With sword and fagot the church maintained its 
claim to divine authority; but, in thus appealing to human 
weapons, it entirely ignored the human side of the question. 
However, this spiritual intolerance was not the exclusive 
possession of medieval ecclesiasticism. The maternal hierarchy 
had well instructed its offspring in the use of weapons which 
they, in their turn, were not slow to wield in upholding the 
authority of their own doctrines. And, even when trans- 
planted to a new soil, whither they had sailed to escape perse- 
cution for maintaining offensive dogmas at home, and to 
obtain, in that distant wild, "freedom to worship God" 
according to their own interpretation of it, these very 
sectaries, despite their former sufferings for their religious 
belief, there failed to learn the lesson of toleration. " When 
the charge of persecution," observes Guizot, " was applied to 
the ruling party in the Reformation, not by its enemies, but by 
its own offspring; when the sects, denounced by that party, 
said, 'We are doing just what you did; we separate our- 
selves from you, just as you separated yourselves from the 
Oiurch of Rome ' ; this ruling party was still more at a loss 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

250 ' The Rise of the Toleration MovemefU. [April, 

to find an answer; and frequently the only answer they had 
to give was an increase of severity." The very liberty of 
conscience which they had demanded for themselves, did they, 
when their opportunity came, deny to all who should dififer 
from them. The reconciliation of the different religiotis 
sectaries belonged to a period in the dim future. 

But the Reformation was not altogether a religious move- 
ment, as it marked a great and far-reaching crisis in human 
thought. It constituted the first successful attempt to throw 
off the shackles whereby the htmian mind might regain its 
freedom. The first step made towards the accomplishment 
of this result was the overthrow of that spiritual power that- 
had for centuries sat like an incubus on humanity and pre- 
cluded all hope of material prosperity. Though this sfttritual^ 
freedom was by no means complete, yet the first step had been 
taken; a break had been made from the old order of things. 
Conditions and environment, the character of the ruler and 
of the ruled, have all, in a greater and less degree, delayed the 
total emancipation of the mind. But the mind was at least 
awakened to a just sense of its needs both in religious and in 
temporal matters. There was now no going backward ; the 
old order of things would never return. That was, certainly, 
some consolation. 

Now, as this Reformation was accomplished under a 
religious garb, religion was pven a new importance and a 
new direction in all the relations of life. On the one hand, 
secular governments began to take Christianity under their 
special protection, while their respective rulers endeavored to 
beccHne veritable popes in their methods of securing uniformity 
of belief. On the other side, the variety of reKgbus doctrines, 
to which the emancipation of the human mind had naturally 
gtveh rise, found expression in a multiplicity of sects that 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. 261 

dented to each other the same privilege of dissent, which they 
had demanded for themselves, and backed their arguments, 
when they had the power, by appealing to the temporal sword, 
slashing right and left in imitation of their former task- 
masters. The only religious liberty thus far enunciated was 
the liberty of using their newly acquired power in coercing 
all those who disagreed with them, — the right of the strongest. 
However, those who could thus force their doctrines upon 
others without their consent could make it a merit to die as 
well as to fight for their cause. Thus the various sectaries 
can point to numerous martyrs who suffered in maintaining 
and repressing religious freedom alike. But it is a sad re- 
flection oh those distressful times, to note those infatuated 
religionists, at the very moment of their recovery of spiritual 
liberty, flying to arms and cutting one another's throats for 
no other reason than for some slight difference of opinion in 
non-essentials, some point of rubric or ceremony! 

In France and the Netherlands religious toleration was 
secured only through the mutual concessions of opposing 
factions. Political reasons, as much as the sheer exhaustion 
of the contending parties, hastened' that event. A mild 
Christian spirit had nothing to do whatever with the change 
of attitude. 

In Holland the struggle between Romanism and Protestant- 
ism lasted until the power of Spain, the mere tool of Ronfie, 
had been totally shattered. The deadly blow which Spain 
had' intended to inflict upon Protestant Christendom re- 
bounded on herself and paralyzed all Tier energies, from which 
biow she has never recovered. Yet Holland presents an 
unique' example in the history of the Toleration movement. 
Froni the year 1675 on, the persecuted religionists of every 
shade and of every nationality here found safe har- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

262 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

borage where each might exercise his peculiar belief with 
impunity. Thousands of fugitives from England alone, 
counting many Roman Catholics among them, obtained here 
a toleration they could not find at home. But it must be 
admitted that these very exiles would have abetted any per- 
secution of the other religious sectaries in their own country 
whenever their own party should be in the ascendant; and 
they did so when the coast was clear enough to return home 
and cooperate with their co-religionists. 

Turning back to France for a moment, we find that tolera- 
tion was a purely political measure on the part of Henry IV., 
to secure the peace of the realm, not from any conscientious 
motives on his part. The Huguenots at this time formed in 
France a party more powerful than the Romish, and were 
able to obtain toleration at the point of the sword so long as 
they had the power. But, on the revocation of the Edict of 
Nantes, the Romish party was once more in the ascendant, 
at which time thousands of persecuted Huguenots were driven 
from France, and settled in America, chiefly in the English 

Passing on to England, we shall note there, for a period 
of nearly two centuries, the same unremitting attempts to 
secure uniformity in matters of religion by coercion, which 
was met by a no less corresponding nonconformity on the 
part of the persecuted, and rendered the struggle between the 
different factions one of most intense bitterness. A considera- 
tion of the causes which led to the full establishment of re- 
ligious toleration in England and in her American colonies 
will explain on a small arena the rise of the toleration move- 
ment. The chief factors in accomplishing this event are to 
be found in the conflict of the various politico-ecclesiastical 
parties into which the advocates of the several religious 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement 253 

sectaries were divided during what is known as the reforma- 
tive period. Therefore, if we consider the rise and develop- 
ment of these parties of the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- 
turies, we shall be the better enabled to trace the toleration 
movement both in England and our own country. 

Of the many political parties which arose during this 
period, five attained more or less prominence at different 
times, and were active in shaping public opinion in regard to 
the toleration of religion. The minor parties exerted but 
little or no influence, or else constituted smaller subdivisions 
of the more powerful factions, and, hence, do not require any 
special mention. The five parties under consideration were as 
follow : — 

I. The Popish, or the old conservative party, — ^the in- 
tolerant spirit against which England was first to protest, 
and which for a hundred and fifty years was a constant 
menace to English liberties and English reform. It consti- 
tuted the party of intrigue, was ever ready to accept of any 
change in the political horizon, provided such change af- 
forded advantage to the principles it advocated, and was, 
so to speak, the denaltional party, prepared at any time 
to overturn the existing condition of things to secure its 
ends; and, for this purpose, it would endeavor to conciliate 
its enemies when out of power, and to betray them again 
when once more taken into favor. Thus this party was ever 
on the side of power, especially when that power should sub- 
serve its interests. 

II. Anglicanism constituted the second powerful party. 
It was a protest, the first, against all foreign interference with 
English institutions,— a declaration that the sovereign 
possessed the indisputable right to rule his subjects according 
to the law of the land, whether in temporal or in religious 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

254 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

concerns; an affirmation of the supremacy of the state in all 
things against individual rights or foreign intervention. This, 
in turn, became the conservative party, and was as intolerant 
in the course of time as had ever been the old Romish party. 
Hence, the same animadversions which were once directed 
ap;ainst the Papal became equally applicable at length to the 
Anglican party. 

III. The Puritan^ proper, who formed the great bulk of 
the Puritan party, apart from their desire of religious reform, 
adopted no less arbitrary methods than the pther two parties 
to weaken the royal supremacy, following the example of. the 
Anglicans in their struggle with the ^pal hierarchy. In 
its political capacity this party represented pure republican- 
ism, the first of the kind to find expression on English 
soil. It exhibited its political side more definitely, in this 
regard, in Presbyterianism, where it would have both 
church, and state legislated by an assembly, — the first ruled by 
synods and the second by a parliament. But it departed 
somewhat ^rom a pure democracy in the fact that it advo- 
cated that both synod and parliament should be placed, under 
the control of a spiritual, or ecclesiastical, oligarchy instead 
of pving obedience to a single head. But it had no intention, 
however, of tolerating any religious belief which did not 
accord with its own form. The. Puritan party could not, 
therefore, use language strong enough to express its hatred 
of " la\vless toleration." Nevertheless, it denominated itself 
the party of reform. 

IV. The Erastians made a vigorous protest against the 
dawning tendency to republicanism as exhiWted by the Pres- 
byterians, who constituted the right wing of the Puritan 
party, and this irrespective of its religious aspect. The 
^rastian party declared itself in favor of an absolute monarch 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] . The Rise of the Toleration Moveptent. K5 

in civil afifairs, as being preferable to a tyrannical oligarchy. 
In matters of religion, however, it favored ^ perfect toleration 
and often sided with the Independents. 

.V. The Independent party, the last under consideration, 
was distinctively a liberal party^ In this party we may first note 
the glimmerings of tru? democratic principles both in chyrch 

,and state,-7the right, then and, there first enunciated, in any 

, political body, for any number of persons to form themselves 
intp whatever religious assembly they might desire; and that 
every such congregation should constitute a true church 
organization, to be governed by its own members or by-laws 
without any let or hindrance from the civil magistrate. This 
party was the first to proclaim the great , principle that re- 
lij^ous liberty is the inherent right of man, and that, so long 
as the civil peace is not disturbed,, such liberty should not be 

. curtailed. This enunciation of self-government in ecclesiasti- 
cal affairs was afterwards reflected in the civil polity, and had 
its best fruitage in the New World. 

The struggle for ascendancy between these several parties 
was productive not only of English con$titutipnal government, 
but of the gradual separation of church and state and the 

. recogiiition of religious freedom, the last two finding their 
earliest and fullest expression in the English colonies of North 
America, and now forming a part of the Constitution of the 
United States. 

With this brief introduction, the reader will be the better 
prqwired to enter more at large upon the discussion of this 
interesting subject, and to note the role played by each, party 
in bringing about the very result which the great bulk of 
these sectaries, did ^11 in their power to. prevent. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

256 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 


When Thomas Aquinas, the ecclesiastical casuist of the 
thirteenth century, formulated the doctrine of papal suprem- 
acy, which was stereotyped in the sixteenth at the Council of 
Trent, and gave the Pope of Rome supreme control in both 
spiritual and temporal concerns alike, a position was assumed 
by the Church of Rome that ckarly evinced its relations with 
Protestantism from the start, — ^a policy from which that 
church lias never once swerved a hair's breadth. To the sub- 
sequent conflict between Protestantism and Romanism, a 
struggle which ended in the total freedom of the human mind 
from ecclesiastical arrogance, may be traced the germs of 
that antagonism to the Roman Church wherever it has estab- 
lished itself.* But, in viewing the Romish party, we must 
regard it not so much from an ethical standpoint, as in the 
light of a stupendous political system, such as the world 
never before knew. When Henry VIII. of England, by his 
arbitrary act, threw ofif his allegiance to the Papal See and 
established a church more subservient to his or to English 
interests and placed under his direct supervision, it was the 
first blow struck for religious freedom, in whatever other 
light it may be considered. This act was the first step made 
towards religious toleration, and gave rise, in after time, to 
the colonization of America. 

Of the three parties which now held the balance of power, 
the Roman Catholics were by no means the weakest, if not 

^See Bull of Gregory XVI. (1832), where he emphasizes the evils 
of religious toleration and refers to the '' pestilent error " of liberty 
of conscience; also the Bncycl. of Pius IX. (1864), which condemns 
all the principles upon which the United States are founded; also 
the Bncycl. of Leo XIII. (1885 and 1888), wherein this ''enlightened 
prelate" makes similar assertions; also the recent arraignment by 
the Papal 0>urt of '* Modernism." 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. 857 

so strong as the Anglicans, and if we again except the brief 
lease of power of the Romish party tinder Mary. But at that 
time its excesses not only made her name one of the most 
infamous in history, but, in their carrying out to the full the 
principles enunciated at the Council of Trent, proved their 
utter incapacity to govern and their total unworthiness of 
public confidence. 

The Puritans at this time were in a small minority; but 
they were the staunch upholders of the English Constitution, 
whatever might have been their disagreement in religious 
concernments. The general reluctance of the Papal party to 
swear allegiance to the temporal sovereign, and, as time went 
on, their refusal to subscribe to any measure which might con- 
flict with the Pope's claim to temporal as well as to spiritual 
supremacy, kept this party, especially the Jesuitical wing, 
and the country at large, constantly in hot water, and drew 
thereby upon the party most of the persecution and proscrip- 
tion to which all the Roman Catholics were subjected. The 
Puritans did not offend in the same vein. 

The evils under which the Papal party in England labored 
during the reigns of Elizabeth, James I., and Charles II., if 
not entirely undeserved, are evident enough. But it was 
during the stormy reign of Elizabeth that the Roman Catholics 
were compelled to endure more than ordinary hardships. The 
position of the Queen was peculiar. At that time all the 
popish powers, headed by Spain, were leagued together to 
make a grand and final effort to blot Protestantism out of ex- 
istence. The Netherlands were invaded > Elizabeth ex- 
communicated and deposed by the Pope; Her subjects 
absolved from their allegiance to her, and threatened, in their 
turn, with excommimication in case of their disobedience to 
the Papal Bull. In short, the Queen's life was placed in con- 
Vol. LXV. No. 25a 5 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

268 Th0 Rise of ike ToleraHon Movement. [April, 

stant jeopardy from popish plots, which culminated in the 
"Invincible Armada," despatched by Spain for the conquest 
of Eng^nd and the redemption of lost souls. Under such 
trying circumstances the penal code enacted against all 
Roman Catholics who refused to take the oath of allegiance 
(hence termed recusants) was more rigidly enforced. By 
this law it was made equivalent to treason for a Romish priest 
to say mass : even those who should take part in its celebra- 
tion were liable to like penalties. Imprisonments and fines 
for recusancy were now of constant occurrence on the slight- 
est pretext. And, though the escape of recusants was fre- 
quently connived at, the Roman Catholics did not dare to 
complain of any of these rigorous measures. 

A;nother severe law, passed against recusants at this time, 
was to the effect that all persons who should absent them- 
selves from* the service of the Anglican, or established. 
Church, unless they should hear the Protestant service at 
their own homes, were to be fined twenty pounds a month, if 
their property admitted of such a sum; otherwise they for- 
feited twtvthirds of their lands until such time as they should 
conform. Those who had no lands to levy on had their 
personal property attached (1581). Hard as such treatment 
was, it was made still more severe by the abuses of con- 
stables and pursuivants whose business it was to make search 
for Romish priests who had taken refuge in the families of the 
Roman Catholic gentry. Under the pretense of lodcing for 
concealed prints, these officials were wont to destroy in the 
most wanton manner the furniture of the houses which tfiey 
searched, or else to carry away with them much valuable 
property. The sufferers from such treatment had no redress 
whatever, as there were but few Romanists who had not given 
the law some hold on them for more or less assistance extended 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the ToleraHon Mavemem, 859 

to their priests. This was made the occasion when many Roman 
Catholics, whose tender consciences would not permit them to 
take the oath of fealty to the Queen, went beyond sea where 
they could exercise their religion with freedom. Holland 
furnished that asylum for sects of all complexions, Protestant 
and Romish alike. 

During the same year (1581), another act against recusancy 
was passed. The year previous, many Jesuits had made their 
appearance in England; and much, if not all, of the disturb- 
ance during the reign of Elizabeth may be attributed to them. 
The Jesuits and Seminary priests, instructed at Dany, were 
at the bottom of all these troubles; and but for them the 
reign of the Queen might have been comparatively tranquil; 
for they accentuated in every way imaginable the terms of 
the bull of Pius V., and gave encouragement to all con- 
scientious professors of their faith in their disloyalty to the 
Queen. Yet it would not be just to deny that the best 
element among the English Romanists repudiated with indig- 
nation all such attempts to shake their loyalty to the English 
government. After events proved this fact conclusively. 

It was this wholesale and indiscriminate persecution of 
Roman Catholics which cannot be too strongly deprecated, 
and which must be laid not so much to the necessities of the 
times as to the intolerant spirit of the age, as the sequel will 
show. Another point to note is the fact that all statutes 
enacted against Nonccmformists were chiefly directed against 
recusant priests; the non-juring laity were never so severely 
dealt with. No one, according to Hallam, could not have pre- 
served his life " by explicitly denying the Pope's power to de- 
pose the queen." But the faithful Roman Catholic, rather 
than to do this, preferred to suffer at the stake and obtain the 
gtorious crown of martyrdom. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

260 The Rise of the Toleration Movemeni. (April, 

On the accession of James, the Romish party was led to ex- 
pect some mitigation of the severity which had hitherto been 
exercised towards it. On the eve of succeeding Elizabeth 
to the throne, James had promised some half-way concessions 
to all parties, in the hope of attaching them more closely to his 
interest. To the Roman Catholics in particular he had 
promised toleration ; and, to encourage them the more in this 
belief, during the first two years of his reig^ he remitted all 
fines formerly levied against recusants. The Roman Catholics 
were in consequence very zealous in his favor. But, what- 
ever he had done to win the favor of that party, James was 
no admirer of Papists, much less of Jesuits ; and on several 
occasions he declared he should proceed against them in the 
same manner as had been done in the preceding reign. But 
if the Romanists found their condition but little lightened, 
the Puritans had still greater cause of complaint of the 
severity of the laws against nonconformity. These latter sec- 
taries were not only bitterly opposed to the Romish party, but 
desired changes to be made in the ritual of the established 
church. They were, therefore, not persecuted so much for 
state reasons, as were the Roman Catholics, but for their non- 
conformity. They had never refused to take the oath of 
allegiance to the government, but had refused to subscribe to 
certain forms and ceremonies of the Establishment. The 
Romanists, on the other hand, would neither submit to the 
sovereign nor conform. This contumacy on their part niade 
them more difficult of management 

At the beginning of the rule of James, England became the 
asylum of those Papists who had fled in the previous reign. 
As many as one hundred and forty priests landed on those 
shores within nine months after the death of Elizabeth, en- 
couraged to return by the hope of toleration. But in this 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movetnem. 261 

hope they were disappointed; for, soon after, the law was 
put in force against recusancy which was particularly severe 
in its treatment of priests. The Roman Catholic laity were 
for a time, at least, tolerated. But this toleration did not last 
long, for James put into operation all the old laws in this re- 
gard, but, apparently, for no other purpose than to use the 
fines, thus collected on the lands and other property of the 
Roman Catholics, for pensicming his Scotch favorites. Then 
it was that many recusants again sought asylum in Holland ; 
while at home, owing to the baneful effect and rank injustice 
of the laws against recusancy, arose the famous Gunpowder 
Plot, which was ascribed to the notorious Guy Fawkes. Albek 
in this conspiracy only Jesuits were implicated, yet the secular 
priests, though entirely innocent of any complicity in it, were 
involved alike in the punishment; and a still more rigorous 
code of recusant laws was enacted, in which all classes of 
Roman Catholics were included. 

In 1622 the hopes of the Romish party were once more 
revived when James seemed bent on an alliance with Spain by 
the proposed marriage of his son Charles with the Infanta. 
Sir George Calvert, one of his secretaries of state, was most 
strenuous in his efforts to bring about this match ; and he 
was, besides, a recent convert to the Catholic Church. Among 
the stipulations asked in concluding this alliance, it was re- 
quired that the future Queen of England should enjoy the 
full and free exercise of her faith, and that all her children 
should be brought up in it. But the article in the agreement 
that chiefly concerned the Roman Catholics was the promise 
made whereby James and his son pledged themselves to dis- 
continue all persecution of recusants so long as the latter 
confined their worship to their own residences. However, 
the Spanish marriage was finally broken off through the 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

269 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

opposition of the Puritan party. At this time that party was 
gaining strength ; it was mainly through the Puritan interest 
in Parliament that the alliance was opposed and the King 
enjoined to seek a Protestant marriage for his son. 

Two new parties arose during this reign. They were 
naturally of a religious complexion, though political in their 
bearing. Both were old parties with new faces. One was the 
Country party, wholly composed of Puritans, who were 
strongly opposed to the absolutism of the king, to the church 
establishment, and to the Roman Catholics as a matter oi 
course. The second, or Court party, was a conglomerate 
body, made up of Anglicans, clergy, laity, and those holding 
offices under the crown, together with the vast majority of 
Romanists who now found it to their advantage to curry 
favor with the ruling powers. But, under whatsoever name 
going, these two parties were to be easily differentiated. 

At first the Papal party gained ascendancy over king and 
court. This made matters all the more uncomfortable to the 
Puritans, which gave occasion for many of this party in their 
turn to emigrate to the Low Countries, and thence to New 
England. However, as the Puritan interest was stronger in 
the Commons than either of the other two parties (Romish 
and Anglican), the Puritans demanded the enforcement of 
the laws against recusancy. It was then that the Roman 
Catholics were forced to flee, as the Puritans had done, and 
seek refuge in Holland among their co-religionists. 

During the reign of James a colonizing spirit first made 
its appearance; though it did not fully develop till in the 
following reign, having for the most part its birth in 
religious intoleration. The first of the kind was one proposed 
by George Calvert, the first Lord Baltimore. In this reign 
he secured a charter from the King for his Palatinate of 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration M&vement. 263 

AvalcMi, which at one time appears to have been proposed as 
the asylum of persecuted Roman Catholics. It will be re- 
nkembeired that Calvert was one of James's secretaries of 
state, and a recent important convert to Catholicism. But, 
as Protestants as well as Roman Catholics appear to have 
gone there, it could not have been an exclusive Roman Catho- 
lic retreat. The colony was probably nothing more than an 
adventure or speculation, like his subsequent colony of Mary- 
land. Again, for state reasons, it could not have been a 
strictly Popish asylum. No complaints were sent home 
concerning the celebration there of the rites of the Roman 
Cathcdic Church. Lord Baltimore seems to have adopted a 
mcM-e liberal policy, for personal or political reasons; at least 
a modified toleration was found there. The colony was not, 
however, a successful experiment. 

On the succession of James's son Charles, the hopes of the 
Romish party were given a new lease ol life. On his mar- 
riage with Henrietta Maria, the sister of Louis XIII. of 
France, one of the most bigoted Papists of the age, Charles, 
as his father had done when contemplating the Spanish match, 
made promises to tolerate the Romish Church in his kingdom. 
But the House of Conunons, now composed of many promi- 
nent members of the Puritan party, petitioned the King to 
execute the laws enacted against recusants as his father had 
done before him. 

Charles was at this time placed in a most delicate position, 
requiring the greatest tact to maintain. He had promised 
the King of France to cease persecuting his Roman Catholic 
subjects, and at the same time given his solemn word not to 
tolerate the Papal faith. He was thus placed between two 
fires. But, whatever his promises may have been to either 
party, it is certain that the condition of the Romanists during 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

264 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

his whde rdgn was greatly ameliorated. Notwithstanding 
the demands of the Puritans in the GMnmons, Charles was 
not able to enforce the statutes levied against English PafHsts ; 
in Ireland it would have been a physical impossibility to have 
done so. 

The fines levied for non-attendance on the estatdished 
church were now reduced one-half, or else wholly rebated by 
some sort of composition. The spy system, so obnoxious in 
the previous reign, was abolished. "The English Catholics 
affirmed that they never enjoyed so much repose and security 
as under king Charles." To be sure, they were not entirely 
exempt from apprehension so long as the penal laws directed 
against recusancy remained unrepealed and might at any time 
be put into force; for the Puritans raised a cohtinual cry 
for their enforcement, and kept the Romish party constantly 
upon the rack, notwithstanding the assurances of Charles that 
the enforcement of these statutes formed a part of the royal 
prerogative. But, as the Puritans were a growing party in 
Parliament, it was uncertain what legislation might be 
directed against recusants were these offensive statutes not 
rescinded.* But Charles determined to be master of the situa- 
tion in every case; and he loved power too well to make any 
undue concessions. 

The Presbyterians, on their side, had now good cause for 
alarm at the increasing ascendancy of the Court, virtually a 
Popish, party. From th^ Netherlands, France, Rome, and 
Spain, the seats of Roman Catholicism, between seven hun- 
dred and eight hundred emissaries had been sent into Eng- 
land, — ^Jesuits, Seminary priests, and various classes of 
ecclesiastics. Most of them had been received into the princi- 
pal families of the country, and had openly professed the Rom- 
^ Ranke, History of England, vol. ii. pp. 34 ff. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Moventent. 865 

ish faith. The Mass was now boldly celebrated in numberless 
places and, on special occasions, with all the pomp and mag- 
nificence known to their ritual. The Queen, who was herself 
a Roman Catholic, attended her religious exercises at her own 
public chapel, and was waited on by Capuchin monks in the 
dress of their order. Even an agent of the Holy See was 
stationed at the English court. Roman Catholics found pow- 
erful friends among the English nobility and gentry, numbered 
with whom was the Earl of Arundel, whose daughter had 
married Cecilius Calvert, son of the first Lord Baltimore, 
above cited. Add to this the eccentricities and innovations 
which Bishop Laud had introduced into the Anglican liturgy, 
and had been countenanced by Charles, together with the 
King's leaning towards Rome and his attempts at a reconcilia- 
tion with that Church, and then may be readily explained the 
strong opposition of the Puritans to the King, as well as the 
support which the Romish party gave him in emphasizing the 
royal prerogative. But the opposition of the Commons, and 
the obstinacy of Charles in maintaining his position as Pope 
of the Anglican Church, in all probability nipped in the bud 
the PofMsh scheme of reuniting the Anglican and Roman 

It was during this lull in the persecution of recusants that 
the first Lord Baltimore obtained his charter of Maryland, 
the planting of which was left for his son Cecilius. It has 
usually been supposed that the motive of planting this colony 
was purely for the purpose of securing a place of refuge for 
English Roman Catholics, where they might practise un- 
molested their own form of religious worship. This view 
was chiefly based on vague notions then prevalent, but without 
any corroborative evidence. A letter, proceeding from one of 
Lord Baltimore's Council in Maryland, alludes but slightingly 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

266 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

to any such motive for founding the colony; for certain 
Roman Catholics there had been refused privileges and im- 
munities demanded by them, over and above the other 
colonists. The fact that Lord Baltimore was himself a 
Romanist may have given currency to this belief. 

Another fact will substantiate the <^>posite view. There was, 
during the reign of Charles, never any occasion for the estab- 
lishment of such an asylum. The persecutions of the 
Roman Catholics were now less severe than ever before. 
Furthermore, according to the testimony of Charles Calvert, 
the third Lord Baltimore, his father Cecilius had found it a 
matter of considerable difficulty in persuading colonists to 
emigrate; and the great preponderance of those who eventually 
did emigrate belonged to the laboring classes and were mostly 
of the Protestant faith. From this fact we must conclude 
that the persecution of recusants during this reign was not 
severe enough to induce many to emigrate when such ad- 
vantages were held out to them at home. 

Thence, down to the close of the Puritan revolution, when 
Protestantism became firmly established in the reabn, the 
fortunes of the Romish party met with varying success. The 
encouragement given them by James II. in the Romish re- 
action was but the calm preceding the storm. Under Par- 
liamentary rule, of which the Puritan party was the moving 
spirit, a number of severe penal statutes were passed against 
recusants. Before the break with Charles, Parliament even 
required the King's assent to measures by which the children 
of Roman Catholics should be brougl^ up in the Protestant 
faith. In the falling fortunes of Charics I., the higher 
classes, and the Roman Catholics in general, took sides with 
the King, wWle the balance of power remained with the 
Commons, where the Puritan element was in the ascendancy. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. »67 

During the Protectorate (1649-60), the doctrine of tolera- 
tion, or liberty of conscience, was in the air, and it pleased 
Cromwell to be the upholder of that doctrine, — ^in moderation. 
At the same time the Romish party began to breathe more 
freely, but only for a brief space ; for the times were not yet 
ripe fcwr the acceptance of any broad interpretation of religious 

After the Restoration, Roman Catholics were generally 
tderated in some degree; and, although their hopes rose 
higher correspondingly in the following reig^, so as to have 
a controlling influence in pditics, the deposition of James and 
the accession of William and Mary to the throne of England 
dashed all such hopes to the ground. But they were tacitly 
tolerated along with the other sectaries now denominated to- 
gether as Nonconformists. But the bitter prejudice enter- 
tained towards all Roman Catholics continued for many a long 
year, though, so far as can be ascertained, that party never 
gave the government any cause of uneasiness. This prejudice 
was, undoubtedly, well grounded, and has never as yet been 
wholly eradicated. 

During the rule of Parliament (1642), the Romanists main- 
ly espoused the Puritan cause; some of them even entered 
the Parliamentary army, fully expecting, should the Puritan 
cause prevail, that liberty of conscience would be conceded to 
all parties, irrespective of their religious tenets. The French 
ambassador used every endeavor to win them over to 
Charles, but without avail. Lord Baltimore and the Arundel 
family were the only Roman Catholics of any prominence 
who yielded to the ambassador's solicitations.* 

Any one, conversant with the crude notions then obtaining 
relative to religious toleration and the policy of the Puritan 

^ Bounan, Maryland, vol. ii. p. Id3. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

268 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

party, must readily perceive the hopelessness of any such 
alliance between the Puritans and the Romish party. Nor 
could the latter make it possible to enter into any permanent 
agreement with the State, or Anglican, party and secure toler- 
ation; for when the Roman Catholics were at the height of 
their own power, they had utterly failed to put into practice 
the principles they had demanded when constituting the weak- 
er and persecuted party. They courted favor when they saw it 
was to their advantage to do so, but never once slackened the 
rein when it was once in their hands. They could beg and 
fawn when necessary, but never granted a tithe of that which 
they asked of others. No wonder they earned the hatred of the 
reforming parties till their teeth had been all drawn and their 
bites rendered harmless. 


The Anglican party, though possessing all the prestige and 
authority, all the machinery and power necessary for enact- 
ing and enforcing statutes for the repressioil of recusancy 
and nonconformity, was, nevertheless, the weakest of all 
the parties, with a continually waning influence under the 
persistent attacks of the Puritan party, — ^the Presbyterians and 
the liberty men. The Church of England represented the 
principle of absolutism in ecclesiastical concerns as did the 
Stuarts advocate absolutism in the state. Puritanism and 
despotism, whether in state or in church, were diametrically 
opposed. The old spirit of intolerance still survived in the 
modified ritual of the Anglican Church. The sovereign and 
the primate were their respective main supports. There was 
little sympathy with the mass of the people. 

Supported both by the law and the power, the Anglicans 
became, in the course of time, a formidable party, and perse- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. 269 

cuted and martyred with all the venom of the mother church. 
But, in spite of all such severity and inhumanity towards 
recusant and nonconformist alike, Puritanism crept through 
every loophole till it finally was the means of completely 
honeycombing and overthrowing its power. 

The Anglican party attained its culmination under the lead- 
ership of Archbishop Laud, when church absolutism and ritual 
innovations were carried with so high a hand that the whole 
fabric of both church and state broke down under them and 
paved the way for the Puritan regime. This extreme policy 
was carried out to the full in the colony of Virginia, founded 
during the reign of James I. Here were transplanted all the 
civil and religious paraphernalia of the mother country; 
here neither recusant nor nonconformist found a congenial 
home. The Anglican policy, though exhibited here in minia- 
ture, was none the less intolerant. Virginia was one of the 
few colonies planted in America which can claim an origin 
unprompted by religious persecution at home, its establish- 
ment being due entirely to worldly and selfish motives. If 
the neighboring province of Maryland was a constant eye- 
sore to Virginia and a thorn in the flesh, the latter showed 
that she could sting back in more ways than one, thus prov- 
ing herself the unmistakable oflFshoot of the ruling policy of 
the mother land. 

When James II. succeeded to the throne and made forci- 
ble attempts to carry over the Anglican Church bodily to 
Rome, the weakness and humiliation of the Anglicans were 
pitiable in the extreme. Then it happened that Episcopacy 
was compelled to take shelter under the wing of Puritanism, 
which tided the Anglican Church over her troubles until by 
their united forces the two parties had deposed James and set 
a Protestant monarch on the English throne. This fact 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

270 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

alone proves that loyalty to country was stronger than party 
issues, when, for the nonce, religious differences could be laid 
aside in the defense of constitutional liberty. A similar event 
may be noted ill the reign of Elizabeth, at the time when Eng- 
land was threatened with invasion by the great Catholic 
powers of Christendom, and fears were entertained of the de- 
fection of her Roman Catholic subjects, — a possibility on 
which her enemies had joyfully built their hopes. But when 
the crisis was to be met, Romanist and Protestant alike flew 
to arms in the defense of their common liberties. And thus 
will it ever be, be what the party may or what it proclaims. 
Religious differences have stood little, if any, in the way of 
constitutional liberty. 

Soon after the separation of England from the Court of 
RonK, the wave of religious reform reached British shores 
and brought about changes in ecclesiastical matters, first set 
in motion by the personal interests of Henry VIII. Although 
the Papal authority was now overturned in England, a 
similar authority over the Anglican Church was claimed by 
Henry and his successors. For this reason the court re- 
formers did not intend to make any more changes in the 
ecclesiastical polity than were necessary to substitute the 
temporal ruler of England for the Pope, putting into the 
hands of the sovereign certain powers which it was claimed 
had been usurped by Rome. These reformers did not deny 
the Pope's authority in his capacity of Bishop of Rome, his 
own diocese; nor did they wish it to be understood that the 
Roman Church was not Catholic. But they merely pared 
away certain alleged encroachments and excrescences of the 
Papacy and retained all the other priestly ofiices, ceremonies. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. 871 

ritual, habits, etc., which were neither enjoined nor for- 
bidden in Scripture. Thus, in point of worship, there was 
but little diflFerence between the Anglican and Romish com- 
munions, the only exception being that the English sovereign 
was now the ecclesiastical head of the Anglican Church. 

Reform seemed now accomplished. But these half-way 
measures did not suit a body of more radical reformers who, 
from the very outset, did not think that the distance between 
the reformed religion and the Papacy could be made too wide. 
The transference to the temporal sovereign of the supreme 
power in religious concernments altered, in their opinion, the 
former despotism but in name only; the substance remained 
the same. Instead of a foreign, they had now placed over 
themselves a domestic pope as obnoxious as the old. Hence, 
these reformers demanded more drastic measures of reform. 
They were for removing all forms and ceremonies, rubrics, 
rites, habits, ritual, — in fact Everything that savored of the old 
reUgion, the ancient superstition. They thus far exceeded the 
Court party in their reform measures. 

These radical reformers were the Puritans, a name ever 
memorable in the history of English constitutional liberty. 
They first made their appearance in the reign of Edward VI. 
But during the Marian persecutions they went into hiding in 
the cities of Germany and Switzerland, where they listened 
to the preaching of the famous John Knox, one of their num- 
ber, who, having imbibed the doctrines of John Calvin, had 
headed the reformation of the Scottish Kirk. The reform 
had now advanced with rapid Strides on the Continent, where 
some of the princes of the German states were stout up- 
holders of the new doctrines. 

When Elizabeth succeeded to the throne, the Puritans 
flocked to England in vast numbers, hoping to enjoy a greater 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

273 The Rise of the Toleration Movetttent. [April, 

toleration under the new qtteen. Though still in communion 
with the Anglican Church they, like the Roman Catholics, 
refused to promise strict conformity or to accept the pompous 
ritual so dear to the heart of Elizabeth. And they immediate- 
ly set to work to make the desired changes in the Anglican 
Church to which they were not willing to subscribe, for wbich 
reason they received the name of Puritans. 

Having adopted the doctrines of John Calvin, they early 
began to formulate a mode of belief with great distinctness. 
They taught that authority in ecclesiastical concerns did not 
reside in a single head, whether spiritual or temporal, but in 
an assemblage of persons, such as an assembly or synod, — a 
spiritual aristocracy or hierarchy. The civil authorities were 
not to interfere with ecclesiastical matters at all; yet it was 
the province of the temporal sovereign, says Cartright, oat of 
the spokesmen for the Puritans, "to protect and defend the 
councils of the clergy, to keep the peace, to see their decrees 
executed and to punish contemners of them, but to exercise 
no spiritual jurisdiction." 

Thus it is evident that the only diflFerenoe between the 
polity of Prelacy, Papacy, and Puritanism was one in name 
and degree only. The authority once assumed by pope or 
prelate for shaping the discipline of the church was now to 
be placed in the hands of an assembly, made up of a number 
of individuals and possessing the powers formerly exercised 
by a single individual. All three forms of discipline, however, 
were agreed in this, that they claimed equally the right to call 
upon the secular arm to enforce their respective decrees. 
The temporal was as yet regarded as the servant of the 
spiritual power; for, like the Romish and Anglican parties, 
the Puritans insisted upon a uniformity of belief. Religious 
tolerance had found as yet no place in their body ecclesiastical, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. W3 

even though that religious freedom should not be incompatible 
with the maintenance of the civil peace. 

But, in one respect, the Puritans may be considered as tak- 
ing a step in advance of the two previous parties. For the 
same reason that this party opposed absolutism in pope or 
prelate, it Opposed absolutism in the king. Stem and un- 
flinching in its adhesion to its religious tenets, Puritanism as 
jealously safeguarded the principles of civil liberty; so that, 
whatsoever may have been the shortcomings of the Puritan 
party in its ideas of religious toleration, the Puritans were 
the bulwaiic of English liberties, checking from time to time 
every extension of the royal prerogative until thej^ had utterly 
crushed the despotism of the Stuarts and formulated a con- 
stitutibhal government under William and Mary. The po- 
litical platform of the Puritan party was a pure republican- 
ismj ba^d on parliamentary rule, just as its ecclesiastical 
system was grounded on an assembly in which both clericals 
and layincn found equal representation. Representative gov- 
ertlment had its full expression in Puritanism, which, when 
transplanted to American shores, g^ve birth to the first gov- 
ernment based on the principles of equal representation. 

The political results of Elizabeth's harsh policy in en- 
deavoring to enforce Uniformity in religfion at all hazards, 
even iti such trivial matters as those relating to vestments, 
postures, and so on, have generally been lost sight of in her 
overweening purpose to establish absolutism in the state. Al- 
though the Puritans were republicans at heart, they never 
once denied the supremacy of the sovereign in civil affairs; 
it was only in religfioUs concernments wherein they demanded 
freedom of action and freedom of conscience. But, in the 
short-sighted policy of coercion, then and for long years to 
come the prevailing one, the Anglican Church gradually 
VoL LXV. No. 25a 6 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

274 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

drifted away from its best interests until most of those of its 
own confession were' confined to the royal family, nobility, 
and the ruling classes. The mass of the people were non- 

The first eflfect of the Queen's severity was the defection 
of the Puritans. In spite of their wish to reform the ritual 
further, the Puritan party still retained its relations with the 
English Church; and, not until every attempt made in that 
direction had proved abortive, did it once think of separation. 
Their clergymen were deprived of their livings and in some 
instances su£fered death. The prisons were full to over- 
flowing with their fellow religionists. Between the years 
1562 and 1566, when the Puritans began to break from the 
Anglican Church and set up one more in harmony with their 
own way of thinking, hundreds of Nonconformists fled to 
Scotland, where the kirk had been reformed by John Knox 
some years before, or went beyond seas. But, despite this 
thinning of their ranks, a gfallant little band of sturdy souls 
remained to carry on the good fight at home for constitutional 

A second result of Elizabeth's harsh policy was to confirm 
the Puritans in their nonconformity, and knit their ranks 
more strongly together, until they became a formidable party, 
shouldered and carried through successfully a great civil 
war, and overturned both church and state, which they after- 
wards reconstructed on more republican principles. 

A still further result of her policy was to split the Puritans 
into various factions, whereby the gap between them and the 
first reformers grew wider and wider, and cut off all hope of 
any accommodation between the several parties, some of 
which wielded as much influence in the state councils as did 
the old Puritans themselves. The only common ground now 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. 275 

between the Anglicans and Nonconformists was their thorough 
Protestantism, their equal opposition to papal supremacy. 
And this fact, however, emphasized by the various conflicting 
factions, bound the nation together in its hour of trial, and 
carried the Reformation in England to a successful termina- 

It was in the reign of Elizabeth that the Puritans first be- 
came known as a political party in c(Hitradistinction to their 
religious bias. Religion and politics were now closely inter- 
woven. To proclaim one's politics was to declare one's re- 
ligion, and the converse. Other parties now beg^n to attract 
attention. The Puritans were pitted against the Anglicans, 
or Church party, with whom, as the Court party, the Roman 
Catholics in the two following reigns curried favor. For, 
so long as the Anglicans and Romanists seemed to join hands, 
the opposition of the Puritans to the government policy was 
intense; party spirit never ran higher. The Puritans were 
a thorn in the side to Elizabeth. They criticised the church 
most severely, compared prelacy to popery, and considered 
themselves to be the sole repository of the true faith. Among 
other animadversions, they taught that the Anglican Church 
had copied too closely the popish ritual. And here there was 
a g^in of truth in what they said. Elizabeth was as fond of 
pompous rites and ceremonies as was her father Henry, and 
was as jealous, too, of her position as head of the English 
Church. So she answered their strictures by enacting more 
repressive laws against nonconformity. 

The increasing power of the Puritans in Parliament was 
first noticed in 1562. In the second Parliament called that 
year, the Act of Supremacy was affirmed. At the convocation, 
which was opened the day after the meeting of this Parlia- 
ment, the articles subscribed by the Anglican Church, 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

276 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

originally fbrty-two in number and drawn up in tlie reigti 
of Edward VI., were amended and reduced to thirty-nine, 
the present number. At this time the Puritans had influential 
friends among the Protestant gentry and a majority in the 
House of Commons. They were not a faction by any means, 
but made up of the principal landed proprietors, who repre- 
sented the universal desire to bring about a change in re- 
ligious as well as in civil affairs. The Church party, on the 
other hand, which was always weak, constituted the con- 
servative party, while the Roman Catholics, who were 
excluded from the Commons, would naturally be silent under 
the circumstances. "This," says Hallam, "contributed with 
the prevalent tone of popular opinion to throw such a Weight 
into the Puritanical scale in the Commons as it required all 
the queen's energy to counterbalance." The Country party, 
however, was defeated. 

In 1671, when the same question came up before Parliament 
for affirmation, and the objectionable clause relative to the im- 
position of rites and ceremonies by the sovereign was debated, 
the Puritan opposition was strong enough to prevent an 
affirmative vote from being taken on this part of the rubric. 
Perhaps it was for this reason that the penalties were in- 
creased for nonconformity in the following year, as the 
Puritans at that time suffered severely, and many Puritan 
clergymen were deprived. In consequence, in 1573, another 
separation took place, when a large body of Nonconformists 
formed a church of their own. A general separation was de- 
bated but not decided on. 

But, in the ten years succeeding, such coercive measures 
were enforced by the crown for securing uniformity, that 
multitudes of Nonconformists separated from the Anglican 
communion, occasioning an almost total desertion and giving 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

;908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. 877 

rise tp a mw religious sect, known as the Brownists. This 
sect refused all communion with the Establishment, denied the 
truth of its doctrine altogether, — and this after the defection 
qi its founder, Robert Brown himself. The persecutions that 
year were nearly ^£fectual in stamping out nQUconformity. 
^migration to Holland of Puritans became general. But, a$ 
a whole, the Puritans were disinclined to a separation. They 
accepted the main principles of Anglicanism, only di£fering 
in methods of church government and in the forms and cere- 
monies which they hq)ed, by retaining their place in the 
Establislunent, they might in time be able to reform. 

For a while Elizabeth bad her hands full in disciplining 
contumacious recusants, in unearthing popish plots and con- 
spiracies against her life and the peace of the realm, and in 
bringing the offenders to condign punishment. By 1593, 
having to her mind sufficiently intimidated the Romish party, 
she began to think it was high time to tighten the reins over 
the Puritans, which had become of late too lax. That year 
an Act was passed which bore heavily upon recusant and 
Puritan alike, and more than one person paid the penalty of 
his nonconformity with his life. Under this statute every 
person above the ag^ of sixteen was required, under 
the penalty of imprisonment, to attend the established church. 
Multitudes of Puritans and Romanists again fled to the Low 
Countries, preferring exile to conformity. From this time, for 
a period of over forty years, dates the emigration of Puritans 
to the Netherlands, and in subsequent years to New England, 
one of the direct results of which was the planting of 
colonies, i^qfsed in the spirit of opposition to state ab- 
solutism, and the laying of the comer-stone of the American 

But, notwithstanding all these violent measures of Eliza- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

278 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

beth, in spite of fines and imprisonments, exile, deprivations, 
and, in some instances, the infliction of the death-penalty, 
the spirit of Puritanism would not die: it only languished to 
reappear with renewed energy. Hounded from place to place, 
shut oflF from communion with the Anglican Church, with their 
very Christianity called in question, the Puritan party never 
was stronger nor counted more powerful friends among its 
adherents than in those troubled days. Although in such 
desperate straits, this little, sturdy band of reformers were 
never louder in their cries for reform than when there seemed 
the least likelihood of such reformation. The Puritans were 
ever bitter in their denunciations of anything which bore the 
least resemblance to the hateful popery; for the staunchness 
of the Puritans, at this time, to an apparently hopeless cause, 
was truly remarkable. As their ranks became more and more 
depleted, the remnant still stood shoulder to shoulder without 
flinching. It was this spirit, which would not down under 
the most trying and adverse circumstances but rose with every 
accession of persecution, that saved England to Protestantism, 
and built up in the New World the American Republic 

The Puritans had flattered themselves, as did the Romish 
party, that they should receive more favor from James than 
heretofore. In this hope a petition was presented to the King 
on his accession, signed by nearly a thousand Puritan clergy- 
men, asking for toleration and, at the same time, suggesting 
certain reforms which they deemed highly expedient for the 
welfare of the church. They could not help letting fall a 
good word for reform for which they had su£fered so many 
years ingloriously to effect. Beyond a few trifling reforms, 
which he granted, James required them all forthwith to con- 
form unconditionally or suffer the penalty of the law. The 
inflexible Puritans, as a matter of course, resisted; and three 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. 279 

hundred ministers, who would not obey his orders, were pun- 
ished by imprisonment and in other wa3rs. But, bad as this 
treatment of them was, it was nothing compared with the 
sufferings endured by the recusants, who had also anticipated 
toleration. The Separatists suffered still worse than the regu- 
lar Puritans, especially the Brownists already mentioned. 
After 1606, multitudes of this sect fled to Holland and 
settled principally in Amsterdam and Leyden and g^ve rise 
to the Independents, a party hereafter to be considered. 

The persecutions under Bancroft were exceedingly violent. 
At this time the Puritans were divided by King James into 
two parties, namely, the State and the Church Puritans. The 
former opposed the royal prerogative in Parliament, just as 
the other disfavored ecclesiastical rites and ceremonies. The 
latter party, though of small weight in the Commons, was, 
when united with the State, or Patriot party, more numerous 
than all the other parties put together. 

In 1620 the repressive measures passed against noncon- 
formity became still more severe. Heretofore the penal 
statutes relative to this subject had more to do with the im- 
position of forms and ceremonies so obnoxious to the Puri- 
tan clergymen. Now the very doctrines of the Puritans were 
made the object of the animadversions of the crown. These 
sectaries now obtained the name of Doctrinal Puritans, for the 
reason that they scrupled to acknowledge the sovereign's 
headship of the church, would not disclaim Calvinism, nor 
favor popish innovations. Singularly enough. Archbishop 
Abbot, then the Primate of England, was at the head of this 
party; but he soon afterwards fell into disgrace, when many 
Puritans removed to the new plantations in America. The 
reign of James had now nearly closed. Popery came in with 
the negotiaticHis concerning the Spanish match. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

880 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

In reviewing the fortunes of the Puritan party during the 
rule of James I., we shall everywhere note the increasing 
strength and influence of that party, together with the bold 
stand that it ever took to limit the royal prerogative, to de- 
fend the liberties of the people, to oppose prelacy as much 
as popery, and to guard Protestantism in every quarter. 
It was the Puritan party which, in 16S0, demanded in 
Parliament that England shoulc^ espouse the cause of the 
continental Protestants in their li£e-and-death struggle with 
Spain for liberty of conscience, weaken Romish influence 
at home, as much as possible, by executing more vigorously 
the statutes for disciplining recusants, and that James should 
marry his son Charles to a Protestant woman. 

The aversion of James to the Puritans seems to have been 
due to their open avowal of dvil liberty and their pro- 
nounced hostility to absolute monarchy, rather than to their 
reforming tendencies in religious concernments. James was 
exceedingly jealous in maintaining his prerogative, perhaps 
more so than Elizabeth had ever been. But in striking at 
the church, the Puritans struck at the crown; and that was 
an unpardonable offense. 

When his son Charles came to the throne, both Roman 
Catholics and Puritans were promised toleration and the 
removal of their disabilities; but the King had already 
assured Parliament that the laws in regard to recusancy 
should be enforced. The majority of the Lower House was 
then composed of zealous Calvinists, who loudly demanded 
the execution of these recusant statutes. Charles, as has else- 
where been shown, was a Romanist at heart, and connived 
at every infringement of these laws, although be ostensibly 
fdlowed their letter. During his whole reign the Church and 
Romish parties were to all appearances united. Under 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. 881 

the administration of Laiid almost popish innovations were 
introduced into the Anglican service, which served but to 
rouse greater hostility from the Puritans. Protestantism 
seemed well nigh to be a lost cause in England, with the 
Papacy again in the ascendant. 

For their continual and growing unwillingness to con- 
form to the new ecclesiastical system, and, at the same time, 
their persistence in attempting to reform the church from 
within, the Puritans, as usual, paid the penalty of their 
temerity. The drastic measures, now adopted to bring about 
uniformity, " gave birth," says Neal, " to a second colony in 
North America, commonly known by the name of Massa- 
chusetts Bay." In 1639, John Winthrop, at the head of a 
thousand Puritans, set sail for New England. Others fol- 
lowed up to 1636. "It has been computed," observes the 
author above quoted, "that the four settlements of New 
England, viz., Plymouth, the Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut, 
and New Haven, all of which was accomplished befcw^ the 
beginning of the Civil Wars, drained England of four or five 
hundred thousand pounds in money (a very large sum for 
those days) ; and if the persecution of the Puritans had con* 
tiaued twelve years longer, it is thought that a fourth part 
of the riches of the kingdcmi would have passed out of it 
through this channel." 

All the emigrants, except those who settled in Plymouth, 
were distinctively Puritans ; while those who planted that col- 
ony came from England by the way of Holland, and have been 
denominated Pilgrims in contradistinction to the other Puri- 
tans whose doctrines had not become so adulterated by a 
sojourn in the Low Countries. According to Neal, down tp 
X640 a« many as seventy-seven Puritan clergymen, who sub- 
sequently nyere pastors of the various churches and congrega- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

282 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

tions in New England, held orders in the Anglican Church. 
This fact will explain much in reference to the Puritanical 
hierarchy in New England, especially in the Colony of 
Massachusetts Bay. 

But, if paralyzed, the Puritan cause in England was not 
crushed. With every fresh persecution and consequent losses 
by emigration of its members, the party received new life. 
In their exasperation of everything which bore the least 
resemblance to popery, the Puritans kept up the good fight 
for the Protestant cause and civil liberty, and gained rather 
than lost in popular favor. Their influence continued to ex- 
tend in spite of any attempt to weaken them. Parliament 
was now wholly Puritan; and from the outbreak of the civil 
wars up to the Restoration, Puritanism under the Presby- 
terians became the established religion. 

It was in 1644, when England was under Parliamentary 
rule, that Roger Williams, the founder of the Colony of 
Providence Plantations, obtained his first charter. It was 
during the Conunonwealth and the Protectorate that Anglican 
and Romanist alike paid court to the Puritan party, and with 
the same once persecuted party Lord Baltimore curried favor, 
and so preserved through that troubled period his Palatinate 
of Maryland. 

But, when the Puritans became in turn the ruling party, 
they, too, had failed to learn the lesson of toleration. As in 
their former struggles for principles, so, in their hour of 
triumph, they did not lay aside their hostility to Romanists 
and to all others who dissented from themselves ; and so, too, 
on coming into power, the Presbyterians were not averse to 
doing a little persecution on their own account. There was no 
place in the doctrine of Calvin for religious tolerance. The 
old Puritans never denied the Anglican Church its right to 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. 283 

persecute and enforce uniformity; they only wanted their 
own form of belief to be given amnesty. They were now as 
eager to make others conform and as much opposed to " law- 
less toleration" as ever was the most bigoted Roman 
Catholic or rigidest Churchman. Laud himself could not 
have surpassed them in this respect. But, fortunately, 
Cromwell would have none of it; and it was left for their 
co-religionists in the New World to give free rein to their 
lawless intolerance. Though opposed to some of the religious 
sectaries, Cromwell never advocated coercion. 

Charles II. had made many promises of toleration on his 
restoration, and thus gave great hopes to the various classes 
of Dissenters, as Nonconformists now begin to be termed, of 
security. Religious toleration seemed to be the fashion. But 
the Stuarts were never distinguished for their sincerity; and 
the old laws concerning nonconformity were dragged forth 
and more or less rigorously executed. Charles played a double 
game. Though pledged to grant tolerance to the Roman 
Catholics, he still desired to satisfy the more rabid Puritans. 
But, despite his many vacillations, he really did seem desirous 
to reconcile the Anglicans and Presbyterians, to whom he had 
been indebted for the restoration of the crown. 

The Puritan influence now beg^ to ebb until the following 
reign, when it gained new life by setting William and 
Mary on the English throne, establishing a constitutional 
monarchy, puritanizing the Anglican Church, and, above all, 
proving its right to existence. England was at last thoroughly 
protestantized, with no fears of its backsliding. 

It was in the reign of the second Charles (1663) when he 
was courting the favor of all parties, that Roger Williams 
secured his second charter for his plantations through the in- 
fluence of the Earl of Warwick. This patent gave "full 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

284 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

liberty of conscience in matters of religion"; though the 
colonists had no intention of conforming ''to the public ex- 
ercise of religion according to the liturgy of the Church of 

In the charter, granted the proprietors of Carolina the 
same year as that of Roger Williams, it is there explicitly 
stated (Sect. 18) that all persons shall enjoy liberty of con- 
science, provided they show "all fidelity, loyalty, and 
obedience to the king," and " do not actually disturb the civil 
peace." Furthermore, no person was to suffer molestation 
on account of bis private religious belief. In 1665, the terms 
of this charter were somewhere extended. Hence, religious 
freedom had at last found an abiding place in the New World 
among chartered rights. 

Just previous to the outbreak of the Civil Wars, all authority 
bein^ now in the hands of the Conmions, Parliament set about 
making a reform in religion, and called together for that pur- 
pose, as was the custom, an assembly of divines. The 
complexion of Parliament at this time was Presbyterian, or 
Calvinistic; so was tbe proposed Assembly. There were still 
individuab among the old Puritans in orders ; but these were 
soon identified with the Presbyterians, as Jias already been 
adduced. The old name now disappears to reappear under 
that of Dissenter. 

No radical measures were contemplated at first by Parlia- 
ment in making this reform, — ^nothing more, in fact, but a 
sort of modified Episcopacy. But, after their union with tbe 
Scotch Presbyterians, the "Puritans," says Neal, "did not 
fight for a reformation of the hierarchy, nor for the generous 
principle of religious liberty to all peaceable subjects, but fcH* 
the same spiritual power the bishops had exercised ; for when 
they had got rid of the oppression of the spiritual courts, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the ToleratiM Movement. 285 

tinder which they had groaned for abhdst fourscore years, 
they were ior setting up a nuinber of Presbyterian consistories 
and parishes of England, equally butdensome and oppressive." 
The old Puritans were now divided into three factions, 
strong both in the Assembly and the Commons. These were 
the Presbyterians, already cited; the Erastians; the Inde- 
pendents. The Anglican party had lost about all the in- 
fluence it had ever enjoyed In Parliament, and hiay be couilted 
out, as it did not now have there a single representative. 
All the energies of the Presb)rterian party were now con- 
centrated on the establishn>ent ojf the "divine right of 
Presbytery" and of a Presbyterian form of ecclesiasticism. 
This " power of the keys," as it was called, found no friends 
among either of the other two factions, both of whom were 
the sworn foes of every sort of ecclesiastical usurpation. And 
if the united forces of these two parties did not succeed in 
defeating the obnoxious measure entirely, they had much to 
do in hindering the Presbyterian hierarchy from resorting to 
extreme methods in carrying out its discipline. And yet th^ 
old Puritanic spirit was strong enough to prevent the doctrine 
of religious toleration from being accomplished. This work 
was left for the other two parties, now to be considered, 
whose history is so intimately connected with that Of the 
Puritiiiis as to form the sequel of that party. 


The more powerful of the two parties now to be considered, 
and the one which resisted longest the pretensions of the 
Presbyterians, were the Erastians. In religion they were what 
is known as Separatists; but they had little in common with 
the old Puritan party from which they had separated. In 
politics they advocated everywhere the supremacy of the king. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

286 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

The Erastian doctrine began to prevail in England in 1588, 
and spread with wonderful rapidity. The party took its name 
from Erastus, a German divine, born in the first quarter of the 
sixteenth century. He preached principles diametrically op- 
posed to spiritual, or ecclesiastical, supremacy, as had once 
been exhibited in Popery, Prelacy, and now in Presbyterian- 
ism, or Presbytery. The Erastians held that the civil magistrate 
alone had authority to punish all offenses whether of a re- 
ligious or a civil nature. This scheme of ecclesiastical polity 
had the advantage, it was thought, of preventing the establish- 
ment of a government within a government (imperium in 
imperio), and thereby averting the abuses from which none of 
the other religious sectaries had been exempt. The pastoral 
office was entirely persuasive ; no coercive measures were ad- 
missible in maintaining ecclesiastical discipline. 

When not pressed too far, Erastianism was an effectual 
corrective of the assumptions of the three other forms of 
hierarchy already adduced. The religious teaching of these 
sectaries, according to Neal, "effectually destroyed all that 
spiritual jurisdiction and coercive power over the consciences 
of men, which had been challenged by popes, prelates, and 
presbyteries ; and they made the government of the Church a 
creature of the State." It was still further maintained by 
them that Scripture prescribed " no one form of church gov- 
ernment as an invariable rule for future ages." In this respect 
they were somewhat in consonance with the Independents. 

The Erastian doctrine was not new, it having previously 
appeared under another name. All the early reformers enter- 
tained the same sentiments and were for resigning to the 
crown everything relating to the liberty of the conscience. 
Hence Erastianism was nothing more than a revival of the old 
Anglican doctrine of royal supremacy, but now softened by 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. • 287 

time and reappearing in a modified iorm. 

The Anglican Church first assumed the functions of judge 
in ecclesiastical matters under Archbishop Whitgift, in the 
reign of Queen Elizabeth. It claimed the right of punish- 
ing heresy and contumacy as much as popery had ever done. 
Under Whitgift's administration, the measures adopted for 
disciplining offenders were even at that time considered some- 
what of a stretch of power. But under Bancroft the hierarchy 
went to yet greater lengths, when was boldly asserted the 
doctrine of the "divine right of Episcopacy," together with 
the authority of coercing Nonconformists, as the persecutions 
of the Puritans at that period fully attest. It was the constant 
desire and aim of the bishops to render the jurisdiction of the 
Anglican Church as unlimited as possible, and wholly inde- 
pendent of the law courts, in which, from the time of Henry 
II., was lodged the power to restrain the spiritual courts 
in case they should venture to overstep their proper limits. 
Bancroft made the first attempt in this direction in 1605, which 
not only completely failed, but drew upon the Episcopacy the 
hostility of the secular lawyers, who had always been jealous 
of these ecclesiastical judicatures; nor did the latter win the 
favor of the judges. 

To purge the Church of the odium of the Puritan persecu- 
ti<His, the bishops transferred all cases of nonconformity from 
the Court of High Commission to the Assizes, to be tried at 
common law. The temporal power was thus made to execute 
the commissions of the ecclesiastical officers. Under Laud 
the hierarchy laid claim to an authority and to privileges on 
a par with the royal prerogative itself for which it had not the 
least legality, and which in the end proved it own destruction. 
The contest that had been waged so long between Anglicanism 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

288 ' The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

and Puritanism closed with the utter discomfiture of the 

Now just as Episcopacy had hoped to secure, by the use of 
coercion, uniformity of belief, and found in the Puritan party 
an opponent equally as zealous in attaining its aim, so, to 
the growing power of Calvinism in a similar direction, was the 
Erastian doctrine destined to be an effectual counteractive by 
its emphasis of the dd-time dictum of the royal prert^tive. 
If any one should govern, said this party, it should be the 
civil magistrate; the "keys" should not by any means be 
placed in the hands of the English Church. In their hostility 
to every kind of ecclesiastical supremacy, the Erastians found 
willing and powerful coadjutors in the Independent party. 

The Erastians were largely recruited from the ranks of the 
civil lawyers, no friends to ecclesiastical usurpations. This 
party numbered among its adherents Dr. Lightfoot, one of the 
most celebrated theologians of the day, and was headed by 
Seldon, a lawyer of no mean acquirements. Half the House 
was Erastian, all of whom denied emphatically the divine right 
of the church. And, furthermore, the liberality of belief, 
which this party advocated, drew to it all broad-minded 
persons. It never was for employing coercive measures in 
securing uniformity of religion. According to their teachings, 
the gospel was a free gift to all who would accept it; every 
one was welcome to drink of the fount; none to be coerced. 
Herein certainly lay, in theory at least, the germs of religious 

In politics their platform was in harmony with popular 
feeling. This remained true down to comparatively recent 
times. For, according to Hallam, who wrote in the middle of 
the last, century, " the ecclesiastical constitution of England is 
nearly Erastian in theory and almost wholly so in practice. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. 

Every sentence of the spiritual judge is liable to be reversed 
by a civil tribunal/' 

In 1645 the Presbyterians accused Parliament of being 
Erastian because it would not surrender to them the spiritual 
authority to which it held fast. For, it must be remembered, 
that Parliament passed ordinances at this time, regulating the 
discipline of the Establishment and prescribing the form of 
belief and the modes of suspension from its communion. 
Hence, though never professing to intermeddle with spiritual 
concerns proper. Parliament retained its claim to punish 
err<M^ and misdemeanors within the Church. But the authority 
for determining such cases was now transferred from a 
single head to an assembly, or synod, where each question was 
determined by the vote of the majority of the members 
present. This method of trying such cases was of course due 
to the change in the form of government, at this time republi- 
can. And, if Parliament had given the several presbyteries 
absolute control over all their communicants, it had, never- 
theless, reserved to itself the right of the last appeal, the 
demand made by the Presbyterians for themselves. 

The Independents as a political party first came into notice 
about the year 1640. From their very organization they made 
a bold stand against the High Presbyterian, now the High 
Church, party. Perhaps at this date they did not exceed a 
dozen in the Westminster Assembly of Divines; but they 
rapidly rose into prominence and, down to the Restoration, 
successfully checked the pretensions of the Presbyterian 

During the persecution of the Puritans, under Whitgift, and 
later under Bancroft, multitudes of this persecuted sect were 
Vol. LXV. No. 268. 7 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

wo The Rise of the Tdltration Movement. [April, 

driren from the Anglican Chtitch, forced into exile and 
separation. From this time dates the great subdivision of this 
party into a variety of sectaries. Among them were the Brown- 
istd, who, in their hostiKty to the Church of England, 
professed doctrines the farthest yet removed from that com- 

The Brownist^ took their name from one Robert Brown, a 
Puritan of extensive learning, and arose in the year 1580. 
During the persecutions of 1583, under Whitgift, the Brown- 
ists, in company witfi a large number of other Puritans, sought 
shelter in Holland, where, in the town of Middfeburg, they 
founded a church of their peculiar belief. This was dis- 
solved in 1689, through the defection of Brown himself, who 
returned to England and made his peace with the Establish- 
ment. But the seeds sown by this sect in England had not 
{M(tn on stony ground ; nor did the desertion of their founder 
have any disheartening effect upon his followers, for a 
Brownist congregation was soon afterward established in 

In the persecution of the Puritans, in 1(504, under Bancroft, 
and subsequently, Holland wbs again made the asylum of the 
persecuted. Two years later, a number of Brownists, with 
John Robinson at their head, emigrated to Amsterdam, and 
thence to Leydcn, and formed a church, where Mr. Robinson 
softened the harsh doctrines of Brown and became the 
founder of what was known as Independency. Soon after, 
one Henry Jacob, a Puritan, influenced by the preacTiing of 
Robinson, became an Independent, and, in 1616, introduced 
Independency into England by founding a congregation of 
that form of belief in London. This was the origin of Ihde- 
pendency, or Congregationalism, in England. 

The Leyden church emigrated to America in 1680, and, 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toieraiion Movement. 291 

under Brewster, Ranted the colony of New Plymouth, thus 
establishing the very first congregation of Independents in 
America, From this church sprang modem Congr^fatton- 

In England the Brownists at length became identified with 
the Independents, the extremists of which party in all probabil- 
ity bekmged to the parent denominatioQ. One of the 
early clergymen (or ministers as this sect now began to name 
their pastors) of the Independents was Samuel Howe, who 
died in prison, on account of his doctrines, in 1636. This 
minister is interesting to us Americans from the fact that 
Rc^er Williams has spoken of him in high terms, as being a 
very pious and godly man. He was bom in humble life and 
possessed little or no education. The Brownists did not con- 
sider a liberal education of any importance to a preacher; 
nor did the Independents discourage lay preaching, were the 
candidates for orders possessed of the proper spiritual dispo- 
sition. The Plymouth colony was slow in laying any stress 
upon education; the commonwealth of Rhode Island never 
did so until long after it had ceased to be an English colony.^ 
On the other hand, the Puritans were strong advocates of 
education, especially of an educated ministry. 

The influence of this Howe is clearly seen in the teachings 
and writings of Williams ; and perhaps it is not too much to 
say, that Williams drew his ideas of " soul liberty " from the 
Brownist doctrines as taught by Samuel Howe. 

In the times of which we are writing, religion and politics 
were so closely interwoven that it becomes extremely difli- 
cult to dissociate the two. As every circumstance in life was 
tinctured with religion, politics would naturally not escape its 
coloring. And this religious coloring was never more ap- 
*8tt]^tt, Aaiials Hi PnMdeaee, p. 498. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

292 The Rise of the Taleration Movement. [April, 

parent than when found in the ecclesiastico-political party 
known as the Independents; for this party was distinctively 
recognized as the party of toleration. 

The two broad, vital principles put forth by Robert Brown 
in his scheme of church polity, and handed down to his 
successors, were: 1. The absolute independence of the 
church of all civil or spiritual headship in matters of disci- 
pline, whereby cither one was empowered to use coercive 
measures; but that all authority to regulate its own concerns 
should be lodged in each of the several congregations of 
which that denomination was composed; 2. The principle of 
toleration in its broadest sense. The first principle emphasized 
a democratic form of government in ecclesiastical matters, a 
modification of the Presbyterian synod, or assembly; the 
second proclaimed, for the first time in the history of the 
vforld, the doctrine of the absolute separation of church and 
state — the grand principle which forms one of the comer- 
stones of the Republic of the United States. 

In their plea for separation the Brownists declared they 

would have no communion with any religious organization 

which did not fulfill the requirements of their doctrines. In 

this category were of course placed all papists, prelates, and 

presbyteries.^ In politics they carried matters with a high hand, 

^Thls fact explains the language of Cotton Mather (Magnalia 
Chrlstl Americana, fol. Ed., bk. vii. chap, it., p. 7) when he says that 
Williams would have no dealings with "the Church of Boston be- 
cause they would not make a public and solemn declaration of re- 
pentance for their conununlcating with the Church of England.'* He 
elsewhere calls Williams a Separatist and a Seeker, and speaks of 
him as advocating the principle that " every one should have liberty 
to worship God according to the light of his own conscience; and 
owning to no troe churches or ordinances now in the world." Barring 
sectarian bitterness, this passage proves, beyond question, that 
Williams was an extreme or ultra Brownist He finally repudiated 
church government altogether, and would worship wherever and 
however he pleased. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. 293 

even bordering on revolution, and, during the Civil Wars, 
constituted the fanatical wing of the Independent faction. 
Thus, from 1581 to 1583, Robert Brown and the early leaders 
of the Separatists taught that the magistrates " may do nothing 
concerning the Church but only civilly,"^ and as civil magis- 
trates ; that is, they have not that authority over the church as 
to be prophets, or priests, or spiritual kings, as they are 
magistrates over the same, but cmly "to rule the Common- 
wealth in all outward justice, to maintain the right, welfare, 
and honor thereof, with outward power, bodily punishment, 
and dvil forcing of men." Brown further maintained that 
the state had nothing whatever to do with matters of religion ; 
a church was to be ruled by its own members. 

In 1609, Henry Jacob, the founder of the first Independent 
congregation in England, addressed King James in "An 
HumUe Supplication for Toleration," wherein he prayed that 
every chtuxh might be free to practise its own religion, 
" elect, ordain, and depose her own ministers, and to exercise 
all the other points of lawful ecclesiastical jurisdiction under 

Another forward step in the toleration movement was made 
in 1614 by one Leonard Biicher, an English Baptist, once a 
Brownist, who at that time published a work entitled "Re- 
ligious Peace, or a Plea for Liberty of Conscience." He 
taught a religious freedom that is unequaled at the present 
day. He would have toleration extended to every heresy and 
to every religion, be what it might, Christian or otherwise; 

> These Brownistic principles may be stiU further exemplified in 
the compact purported to be signed by Roger Williams and by all 
others who had intended to become inhabitants of Providence Plan- 
tations, wherein they agreed to submit "only in civil things" (Early 
Records of Providence, vol. L p. 9). 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

294 The Rise Qf the Toleraiion Movement. [April, 

neither would he have irreligious persons punished for their 

Such were the main points of Brownism as enunciated by 
its founder and his more immediate successors, which gave 
rise to Independency, in England through Jacob, in America 
through Brewster. The doctrine of independency formed a 
middle ground between Brownism and Presbyterianism, 
steering clear of the fanaticism and extravagances of the one 
and the bigotry and strait-lacedness of the other. But, in 
common with all the other reformed religions, it maintained 
its hostility to the Church of Rome. However, it was the moder- 
ate Independents who preserved this middle course throughout 
its brief reign under Parliament and Cromwell. Even Hume, a 
writer who appears to have associated with this party all the 
excesses and revolutionary tendencies displayed by the various 
sectaries who had sheltered themselves under the wing of the 
Independents, speaks in warm praise of this party as a whole. 
"Of all the Christian sects," says he, "this was the first 
which during its prosperity as well as its adversity always 
adopted the principle of toleration; and it is remarkable that 
so remarkable a doctrine owed its origin not to reasoning, but 
to the height of extravagance and fanaticism."* 

Perhaps a better comprehension of the religious and political 

principles of the Independents may be gained, so far as it fits 

the scope of this article, by considering them in their relation 

with the Westminster Assembly of Divines, with Parliament. 

and with the Army under Cromwell. In the last two in- 

^ According to Neal, in 1645, there were as many as sixteen differ- 
ent religtons sectaries in England. Tlie Independents head tlie list 
because they were tor tolerating all others who agreed with them in 
the fundamentals of Christianity, and originated all the other sects. 
Among these may he cited the Brownists, Separatists, Antinomians, 
Anabaptists, Arminians, Seekers, Sk^tics, Socinians, Arians. etc 
According to Baxter, the Parliamentary Army was half Presbyterian. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the TohraHan Movement. ' M5 

stances we ^ball not fail to notice a blmdiog of reUgton with 
politics which constitute these sectaries a tni^ eccksiaattco- 
political party. 

In the year 1643, Parliament sununoned the Assembly of 
Divines to ccmsid^ the regulation of the spiritual Qoncems of 
the Conimonwealtb. At this session the AngUcan party, 
though summoned with the rest, either ignored the siunmons 
or ccmstituted so small a factor in the consultation as to count 
for nothing. As a fact the AagUcan Church bad ceased to he 
the EstaUishment The Independent3 were a small force, but 
badced by Goodwin, the chaplain of Cromwell Wmself, by 
Nye, and other influential persons. The Erastiana joined 
forces with the Independents, and were instrumental in check- 
ing the arrogance of the Presbyterians in more than one 
instance. There was also present a spriokKng of Anabaptists, 
or Baptists, and a few other sectaries. 

The debate opened with the presentation ol the subject of 
the ordination of clergymen and the authority of such ordtna* 
tion. The Presbyterians, as had been expected, pr<;^K>sed that 
their presbytery should be the source whence all such ordina- 
tHm should proceed. This prcqiosition was opposed by both 
Erastians and Independents, the latter on the grounds that each 
sqiarate congregation should elect its own officers. For, they 
argued, that, in the ordination of ministers, nothing should be 
done which should be the means of conveying *' office-power " 
to clergymen irrespectively of their congregations, or to 
ministers who bad no congregations of their own, for fear a 
mmster might be givien undue spiritual potior v^hich resided 
otUy in and through each separaie congregation. 

The debate upon this question alone lasted for ten days. 
The force of circumstances, however, obliged the Independ- 
ents at this juncture to withdraw their motion and acquiesce 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

296 The Rise of the Toleraiion Movement. [April, 

in the Presbyterian practice, " provided it was attended with 
an open declaration that was not intended as a conveyance of 
office-power," — a saving clause indeed. 

The next subject brought up to be considered by the 
Assembly was as to whether the church should be regarded as 
a divine institution. This, of course, was denied by none, the 
only difference of opinion being in the fact as to which form 
of belief belonged the "divine right." The Erastians pro- 
posed that the sole " power of the keys " should rest with the 
civil magistrate, or, at least, that it be so agreed until the 
affairs of the nation became more settled. For they denied 
this divine right not only to the Assembly, but to the pulpit, 
as they feared that Presbytery might become as arlntrary and 
tyrannical as Prelacy had formerly been, were its claim to 
divine authority allowed. The Erastians did not, however, 
oppose the Presbyterians on political grounds. The Inde- 
pendents also had a scheme of their own to propose. So each 
party claimed for itself the power of the keys. 

The question was at length carried in favor of the Presby- 
terians. But, as it was to be brought up again before Parlia- 
ment for confirmation, the Erastian party reserved all their 
strength for that occasion when, with the cooperation of the In- 
dependent vote, they hoped to overthrow the Presbjrterians. At 
this juncture, the two parties just mentioned, finding that they 
could not carry their own measures, agreed upon a compro- 
mise and combined their forces against the common enemy. 
In this they were entirely successful, defeating the Presby- 
terian party at every point, and carrying in concurrence the 
proposition "that it is lawful and agreeable to God that the 
Qiurch be governed by congregational, classical, and synodical 
assemblies." Thus were the Presbyterians completely out- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleraiion Movement. 297 

Not to be thus baffled, the Presbyterians carried their 
grievance to the House of Lords in the hope that the sentence 
of the Commons might there be reversed, and praying " for 
a speedy settlement of Church government according to the 
Covenant, and that no tokration might be given to popery, 
prelacy, superstition, heresy, profaneness, or anything con- 
trary to sound doctrine, and that all private assentblies might 
be restrained." In their reply, the Lords promised that so 
much zeal thus displayed in the cause of religion should not go 
unrewarded, and therefore recommended the city magis- 
trates (London) to repress all unlawful assemblies. But the 
Ccmmions remained unshaken; while this interference proved 
ruinous to the Presbyterian cause. 

The next subject of debate was the " power of the keys." 
This question was undecided in the Assembly, but carried to 
the House of Commons, where it was easy to see how it would 
be treated. The Independents fought it partly on toleration 
and partly on doctrinal lines ; the Erastians wholly on political 
grounds. The former desired all religious aflfairs to be referred 
to their proper religious authorities, without any interference 
of the civil arm. The latter were for a' free and open com- 
munion, and against all suspensions and excommunications, 
and referred all crimes and misdemeanors to the civil magis- 
trate. Both, however, seemed to agree to toleration in 
religion and to no compulsory uniformity. 

The aim of the Presbyterians, on the other hand, was to 
estaUish a hierarchy like both of those which had been over- 
thrown; and it was patent to every one that they demanded 
a church which should be entirely independent of the state.. 
In this attempt Parliament was determined to disappoint them. 
Although the two Houses had made Presbyterianism the 
state religion, they had reserved to themselves the right of' 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

298 The Rise of the T9l0raliiQn Uwememt. [April, 

appeal as a last resort in all cases of ecclesiastical disciplkie, 
not only retainii^ in their own bands the spiritMal swcurdt but 
effectually checking every effort of the Presbyterian hterurchy 
to enforce tl^e penal laws against nonconformity from their 
standpoint, which would make all religious denominattoos not 
agreeing with them nooconfonxvst 

But '' nobody/' sso^ Neal, " was pleased ; the EpiscopBlians 
and Independents were excluded ; and because the Parliament 
would not give the several Presbyteries an absolute power 
over their communicants, but reserved the last appeal to them- 
selves, neither the Scotch nor the English Presbyterians would 
accept it" The Independents, accordingly, petitioned both 
Houses to reconsider their case and grant them toteiBtioo* 
using arguments to show that they did not disagree with the 
general doctrines accepted by the Presbyterian party. But 
the leading Presbyterians, who had the preponderance of 
power in bc^ bodies, would consent to nothing unless to an 
unconditional surrender; to which the Rev. Mr. Burroughs, 
whom Baxter even regarded with admiration, spoke the 
sentiments of Independency when he said : '' If their congre- 
gations might not be exempted from that coercive power of 
the classes; if they might not have liberty to govern them- 
selves in their own way, so kn^ as they behave peaceably 
towards the civil magistrate, they were resolved to suffer, qr 
go to some other place of the world, where they might eafcy 
their liberty. But while men think there is no way of peace 
but fay forcing all to be of the same mind; while they think the 
civil sword is an ordinance of God to determine all oon- 
tioversies of divinity, and that it must needs be attended with 
fines ^nd imprisonment to the disobedent; while tb^ appre- 
hend there is no medium between a strict conformity and a 
general confusion of things; while these sentiments prevail* 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement 299 

there must be a base subjection of men's consciences to 
slavery, a suppression of much truth, and great disturbances 
in the Christian world." 

If the Independents fared thus badly at the hands of the 
Presbyterians, they received still worse treatment from the 
Scotch Kirk. The Scotch were loud in their demindations of 
that se<;t. The Kirk Presbyterians opposed any and every 
doctrine not in harmony with the Covenant ; declared against 
the toleration of the other religious sectaries and liberty of 
oonscience which, they considered, would open the door to 
licentiousness apd utterly destroy the true religion. Sermons 
were preached against the Independents from Scottish pulpits ; 
pamphlets flung broadcast both in favor of and against tolera- 
tion. But, if the Independents and Anabaptists had lost the 
day in the Assembly, where they no longer had representation, 
the Presbytery was powerless to molest them. 

If not in the Assembly, their party had representatives in 
Pteliament In 1644, these were Lords Say and Wharton and 
the younger Vane, Sir Harry, who was the friend of Roger 
Williams and of Oliver Cromwell, then the acknowledged 
leader of the House of Commons. There were two events that 
year which more than anything else indicated the growing 
power of the party. First, a bill had been introduced into 
Parliament to deprive those who had seats in the Commons 
of any ofike of trust they held at the same time. This was 
carried as a political measure and known as the ** Self-denying 
Ordinance." The passage of this bill would exclude the Lord 
Protector himself from the House. But, by a course of 
intrigue, or '' lobbying," the case of Cromw^ell was excepted. 
This ordinance, say» Hallam, ^' which tock from all members 
of both Houses their commands in the army, or civil employ- 
ments, was, as is well known, the first great victory of the 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

300 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [April, 

Inckpendent party which had lately grown up under Vane 
and Cromwell." 

The second event was of a religious complexion and related 
to toleration. The question had been brought up in Plariiament 
in reference to the toleration of Independents and other sec- 
taries. Cromwell, then a member of the House, proposed 
that, in all the schemes suggested for establishing any form 
of church government, ''tender consciences should be taken 
into consideration." This ''Accommodation Order," as it 
was designated, was accepted by the Commons without a 
division and Cromwell himself, in addition, given a vote of 
thanks ior his proposition. 

In 1647 the Independent party was split into two factions. 
One was for using temporizing means in setting up the old 
monarchical system of government ; the other for more radical 
measures. The first constituted the old, moderate, conserva- 
tive party, composed of men like Vane, St. John Fiennes, and 
others. The seccmd was known under the name of Republi- 
cans, and it comprehended the Levelers, Ranters, Fifth Mon- 
archy Men, rabid Anabaptists and Antinomians; in religion, 
noisy, iconoclastic, who would overturn church and religion 
itself, and bring nobles and everybody else to the same level 
with themselves, and only establishing their claim to Inde- 
pendent parentage by their avowal of the most extreme 
license; — in politics as subversive as in religion, desirous of 
any change; would now destroy monarchy and king together; 
now opposed to all order and government; — all which 
but indicated their anarchistic tendencies. They not only lost 
the regard of the reputable element in the community, but 
they threw discredit upon the very party to which they owed 
their origin. 

After the administration of " Pride's Purge " to Parliament 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. 301 

and when the younger Sir Henry Vane and all the moderate 
Independents had been excluded from the Commons or im- 
prisoned, and the army ruled in both church and state, then 
it was that these two factions sought the ranks of the army, 
one for protection, and the other to further its more radical 
views; and these last served but to awaken the disgust of 
the Episcopacy, the Presbyterians, and all peace-loving 
citizens alike, who now entered into a compact from which 
the better class of Independents, unfortunately, was excluded. 
On account of the leveling bent of the Republicans, the Lords 
sided with the Presbyterians; for, as the two factions were 
agreed in their ideas of religious toleration, they were placed 
in the same cat^;ory, even though the conservative Independ- 
ents had never shown any animosity either towards the mon- 
archy or towards a mild form of Episcopacy, provided 
tderation should find a place in the church government. But 
the intemperance of the other sectaries left them no other 
alternative but to turn to the military, which, at that time, was 
governed by a violent faction, never satisfied until they had 
accomplished the ruin of the existing government. And, if 
Cromwell employed these incendiaries for the accomplishment 
of his purposes, he was never in sympathy with their ex- 
travagances, but ever held them in check, though in his politi- 
cal course he seems to have been guided by the revolutionary 

It is to be reg^tted, that, in their advocacy of religious and ' 
political freedom, the Independent party did not have broader 
and more definite ideas of the principles which they so ener- 
getically advocated. They were willing to include in their 
toleration the more sober-minded Anabaptists, or Baptists; 
but Papists, and all sectaries who did not agree with them 
in the fundamentals of Christianity, they had no inclination to 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

3(tt Tlu Rise of the Toleruiion MtnHment. [April, 

admit into thrir freehold. And, ttiough rather misty in de- 
fining their scheme of religious toleratioh, yet it must be 
admitted on all sides that the Independents were the first 
party, or religious organization, which, both in its teaching 
and practice, enunciated the doctrine of soul liberty. As 
recent a writer as Gardiner, in his "History of the Citll 
Wars," has remarked, that, for Ais teaching of the Independ- 
ents (the princifdes of democtatic government and of religious 
toleration), posterity owes them a deep debt of gratitude. 

Cromwell was himself an Independent in religion and aK 
ways sidM with the professors of that creed. But, if he was in 
favor of toleration, be did not think it should be carried to 
such a kngth as would be injurious to the public peace, that 
is license. Nor did he consider any particular doctrine should 
be proscribed because it seemed ridiculous to the educated 
classes. We have already seen where his s]rmpathies lay when 
he proposed his " Accommodation Order."' 

That religious toleration first b^;an to be formulated in the 
first half of the seventeenth century must now be evident to 
all. The movement owed its greatest impulse to the influence 
of OKver Cromwell. In 1645, Governor Sayle, formeriy of 
the Bermudas, and another delegate, petitioned the House of 
Commons to grant religious toleration to all persons who had 
left the Anglican communion and to permit them to organize 
congregations of their own. The House gave the desired 
protection to both public and private drarch organizations, 
and furthermore moved, " That the inhabitants of the Summer 
Islands [Bermudas] and such others as shall join themselves 
to them, without any molestation or trouble, shall have and 
enjoy the liberty of conscience in matters of God's worship, as 
well as in those parts of America where they are now planted, 
as in other parts of America where hereafter they may plant." 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1»08.] The Rise of the Tokr^Hon Mcroement. Ste 

Itt the passage of this ordin&nce one may readily perceive 
the hand of the younger Vane, if not also that of CrontweD, 
who was then all-powerful in the Commons. It was in this year 
that Roger Williams published, ih England, his celebhtted 
treatise on religioos liberty, wherehi be arraigns those who 
haire persecuted others on account of their religious ttoets. 
And, in 1650, Cromwell, much to the disgust of the Presby- 
terian party, repealed the penal statutes which had been 
enacted in previous years against nonconformity, and only 
made it obligatcny for all persons to keep Sundays and Fast 
days, both publicly and privately, in a religious and seemly 
manner. From 1S47 to 1659, then, while England was under 
the Protectorate, almost universsd toleration prevailed. 

At the Restoration, Independency found no place amon^ the 
political questions of the day. Cavaliers and Roundheads 
had entered into a combination to restore Charles to the throne 
of his fathers ; and they were the sole parties to be considered 
under the new r^me. But, in 1660, the Independents artd 
Anabaptists presented a bill to the King, praying him to grant 
toleration to religions of all shades, so as to secure peace and 
quiet to the natiott. The Roman Catholics were evidently nt- 
cluded in this memorial ; and some concessions were likewise 
made to the Presbyterians. But nothing came of it. 

But, in 1672, some sort of toleration was patched up. Dis- 
senters and Nonconformists were included in tfiis religious 
amnesty and permitted to assemble in certain places for public 
worship; while the Papists, or recusants, were not to be 
molested so long as they confined their religious exercises to 
private houses, removed from general observation. But even 
this settlement of so perpkring a question did not suit the 
more rabid Roundheads, as the Puritans were now dc- 
tiomfaiated, who complained that the Roman Cadkdics had 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

304 The Rise of the Toleration Movement. [i^l. 

been granted a greater indulgence than themselves. They 
most likely made these complaints for the reason that they had 
been disappointed in the larger hopes held out to them by 
Charles on his restoration. 

By a statute, known as the " Act of Toleration," passed on 
the accession of William and Mary, a somewhat limited form 
of toleration was extended to all classes of dissenters and non- 
conformists except papists. But, if the latter were not 
mentioned by name in this general amnesty, recusants were at 
no time disturbed in the full enjoyment of their form of 

The good seed, however, had not fallen upon stony ground. 
All the sufferings in the cause of religious liberty had not been 
for nothing. From that time forth not a single person has 
suffered bodily harm in England because of his religious be- 
lief. As the wave of humanity and soul liberty began to 
spread over the civilized world, the ridiculousness, not to 
speak of the savagery, of forcing persons to accept doctrines 
in which they could not believe, was clearly seen. As time 
went on, political disabilities on account of religion were also 
gradually removed. Coercion had constantly added enemies 
to the English constitution ; for religious persecution indicates 
nothing else than a dread of a rival sect by the persecuting 
party or a fear that its true weakness will be seen, or its tenets 
too closely examined. As a fact, persecution but lent strength 
to the persecuted. 

The study of these ecclesiastico-political parties leads one to 
the unavoidable conclusicMi, that to their mutual cotiflicts was 
due the first glimmering of religious liberty. In all these con- 
tests, however, two broad principles were clearly and 
indisputably established, namely, the right of each and every 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Rise of the Toleration Movement. 305 

religious sect to exist, and, in case of its attainment of the 
requisite power, the privilege of coercing the weaker party. 
But the outcome of this struggle for supremacy produced only 
a drawn game, a political rather than a religious toleration, — 
the last and the least expected result of all this interclashing. 
A supposed conflict of interests ended in a cessation of arms, 
not from conviction but from sheer exhaustion. The comer- 
stone, therefore, of religious toleration was not laid amid 
universal festivity, the ringing of bells, bonfires, and salvos of 
artillery, but amid the most violent contentions of opposing 

Vt liXT. Ko. 258. 8 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

306 Universities and Social Advance. [April, 




Professor William James, addressing the Association of 
American Alumnae at RadclifFe College in 1907, near the close 
of his address made use of these words : — 

" It wonld be a pity if any future historian were to have to write 
words like these: *By the middle of the twentieth century the 
higher institutions of learning had lost all influence oyer public 
opinion in the United States. But the mission of raising the tone 
of democracy which they had proved themselyes so lamentably un- 
fltted to exert, was assumed with rare enthusiasm and prosecuted 
with extraordinary skill and success by a new educational power, 
and for the clarification of their human sympathies and eleyation of 
their human preferences the people at large acquired the habit of 
resorting exclusiyely to the guidance of certain private literary ad- 
ventures, conunoniy designated in the market by the aflPectionate 
name of ten-cent magazines.' ** 

If almost anybody but the most gifted man who has in- 
habited the college precincts of Cambridge for many years had 
made this speech, there would have been a contemptuous 
shrugging of shoulders on the part of the illuminati who 
reside there and thereabouts, implying another appeal to 
the galleries. And some did actually thus shrug their culti- 
vated shoulders and sniff that anything or anybody could or 
should destroy their influence. But William James has in 
these many years created so large and powerful an influence 
and following that recent utterances of the apostle of a 
superior class ^ seem like a belated survival of another age 

^For a classic example of the mixture of the triflhig and social 
ignorance and dilettantism which is rendering " university '' opinion 
accursed to the thoughtful people of New England, see Professor 
Wendell's " Privileged Glasses," Boston Transcript, February 5. The 
address was given at Chicago. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Universities and Social Advance. 307 

beside the sane and human utterances of the psychologist who 
has discovered and dared to proclaim that humanity has a soul 
and a heart as well as a head. But Professor James's utter- 
ance is itself a trifle late, and the historian of to-day, while 
not able to say just what this conjectural future historian 
might say, is able to affirm that the premier influence in the 
American mind is no longer that which springs from the uni- 
versities and colleges, in spite of the enormous increase of 
their endowments and students. He is able to say that in the 
last fifteen years no single cherished American institution has 
lost much more in the public esteem than the university. He is 
able to say, that a distinct and growing chasm exists between 
the public mind and the university habit of mental approach 
which is sure to have lasting and determinate results in the 
development of Aknerican character and the democratization 
of American education; that sooner or later there will be a 
revolution of opinion on the subject of university education; 
and that the facts which are now uppermost and regnant in 
the public mind, and which are demanding the rigid applica- 
tion of democratic standards of judgement and approach to 
every other institution and practice, will also finally require 
that the university shall conform. 

There is no idea which has had larger force with the 
American public in the past century than the idea of the value 
and power of education. The worship of the public school has 
amounted aUriost to f etichism and the naive expectation that a 
trained mind will be able to do almost anything and bring the 
kingdom of God forthwith still lingers among the choice 
superstiticHis of the American intellect. Not that it has not 
had certain rude shocks, especially lately, and that gradually 
it is filtering into the common mind that educational training 
is only one kind of training, and that what is called an edu- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

308 Universities and Social Advance, [April, 

cated man is a man who has, as the case now stands, one 
point of view of life, and usually only one, and that a very 
narrow and very distorted one, crammed into his brain; that 
the so-called educated man has a bundle of prejudices which 
make him, as well as the uneducated man, an unfair dictator 
of the social life and purposes of the multitude. In other 
words, education so-called is seen to be merely one form of 
life, and that it may, under its most favorable conditions, not 
only not make for social advance, but may make for social de- 
terioration ; that it may destroy the activity and building up of 
the social conscience ; that it may elevate false moral standards, 
and enthrone viewpoints which in their logical development 
forbid social advance; indeed, that the university may itself 
be the last stronghold of social injustice, and that every such 
institution not subject to popular control is a danger-spot in 
democratic life ; in short, that a university which is not allied 
to the public educational system, and subject to public inspec- 
tion and regulation, may be the worst kind of a social force 
in the community, and infinitely more dangerous to the moral 
health of the nation because it hides its real effects under the 
fair seeming name of education. 


One of the most interesting and suggestive symptoms of 
the possibilities in this direction may be found in the increas- 
ing natural alliance between the malefactors of great wealth 
so-called and their criminal associates and the universities of 
almost every name and kind throughout the land, except those 
under public direction and control. The almost continuous 
story of crime among the very wealthy men of the great 
corporate and other organizations of the country discloses also 
that these names are also those which figure largely and mo«t 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Universities and Social Advance. 309 

frequeatly in some form of endowment and giving to the great 
colleges of the land. In this way Harvard, Yale, Princeton, 
and others are at this moment using mcwiey which is known to 
have been amassed by thieves robbing in some instances the 
widows and the orphans. Some of these foundations actually 
bear the names of the thieves who thus sought to divide the 
proceeds with alma mater, and who, till they were discovered, 
were persona grata in all that was loveliest and best in the 
official university life. These are names we used to see at the 
official and social assemblages as among the men the uni- 
versity delighted to honor and put forth as the representative 
product of the college, — " sons of the college who had done 
well," as a professor of Christian morals felicitously put it on 
one occasion. Since these " sons of the college who have done 
well " have been discovered to be among the most expert and 
abandoned criminals in the land, has the college hastened to 
disown her sons who had not only not done well but ill ? No, 
indeed ; she has serenely kept close to her other sons of great 
wealth who have not yet been discovered, and has deplored 
" savage attacks upon capital " and other frightful depreda- 
tions against society. To this, however, one very notable and 
striking exception must be recorded. President Hyde of 
Bowdoin did bring to the attention of the undergfraduales at 
that college the fact that a g^eat criminal and exploiter had 
been a student there, and warned his young men against a 
similar career. A wonderful and marvelous exception to the 

Nor is this alliance of the criminal rich with the university 
accidental. The university itself has become a financial insti- 
tution with a huge capital and with a huge fund which must 
be made and kept productive. It must buy stocks and bonds 
and make investments, and this of necessity allies it with the 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

310 Universities attd Social Advance. [April, 

financial interests. It does not require very clever thinking to 
see that the financial interests of the university lie along the 
pathway of the financially influential and prosperous. Under 
the most favorable conditions it is easy to see how the para- 
mount influence in the university readily becomes a financial 
influence, and that the habit of deference to expert financial 
opinion (even though later it proves to have been the opinion 
of looters, thieves, railroad wreckers, and common gamblers) 
soon becomes the university habit. The very legfitimate 
character of much of this intercourse opens the way for a 
constantly increasing power by the financial interests over 
the university authorities. Then, again, when the competition 
becomes stronger, and the universities enter, as they have 
entered, upon one of the fiercest contests ever known, namely, 
for size and endowment and equipment, and millions are 
needed, to whom shall they go but to the millionaire ex- 
ponents of high finance? Now it happens that we have lately 
seen that high finance is for the most part corrupt. We have 
seen that men honored in church and university and academic 
council have exhibited a character status which differs in no 
way, except in degree, from that of the common thieves and 
burglars who fill the common jails. Some of them have had 
the strength of mind to get themselves out of the world, to 
the world's betterment. But their beneficiaries— the men who 
feted and dined and wined and honored them, and ate their 
dinners, and honored them with degrees— they are still in 
the universities, and they still stand as sponsors for the in- 
tellectual leadership of American youth. Can this continue? 
Obviously not. Nothing but the most absurd discrediting of 
the simplest abilities of the average man can hope that such 
an institution can have much influence with the public mind ; 
while, as for " raising the tone of democracy," such a sugges- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Universities and Social Advance. 311 

tion simply fills the air with laughter. Who shall it be that 
shall raise the tone of democracy,— the Harvard Hydes, the 
Yak Depews, or the Princeton Alexanders ? 

The apologist may come forward at this point, and say that 
the universities have no supernatural means of knowing who 
is honest and who is dishonest. Certainly not. But it seems 
they have no better powers of observation and judgment than 
the common mass of men either. It is their very specialty 
which is impeached, namely, to discern the tendencies and 
influences which are at work among men, and to guide the less 
illuminated multitude in the pathway of sound discrimination. 
Professor James says that "the best claim which a college 
education can possibly make on your respect, the best thing it 
can aspire to accomplish for you is this : that it should help 
you to know a good man vAten you see him'* The italics are 
his own. But have the universities shown any particular 
prescience in this respect? Have they known the good men of 
high finance from the bad men? Why then are so many of 
the most discredited names linked to university foundations 
and lectureships and other university functions and privileges ? 
If Professor James is right, the universities have failed at the 
very heart to do the thing which he thinks is the one thing 
they should enable men to do. But they have not only failed 
in this, but they have given the high seats of honor to the 
corruptors and thieves who happened to be rich. 


Leave now the sphere of financial alliance between the 
university and the criminal rich, and enter the political sphere 
and sec what the relation is between the notorious beneficiaries 
and representatives of political corruption in municipality, 
state, and nation, and the colleges. Here again we are con- 
fronted with a state of affairs similar to that which prevails in 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

318 Universities and Social Advance. [April, 

finance. The university, which ought " to know a good man 
when it sees him " and teach its students likewise, not only does 
not go behind the returns, but flies in the face of obvious 
common knowledge in bringing to its platform men who are 
known throughout the length and breadth of the state and 
nation as political corruptors. The influence behind this, how- 
ever, it must be admitted, is that the corruptionists are such 
because they are allied to and usually representatives of the 
predatory interests also; and since these through their 
financial representatives have commanding influence in the 
university counsels, diey easily and readily influence in the 
appearance, in honor, of their political agents, it may be in 
the United States Senate, it may be in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, or some lesser office. To gain the recognition of 
your university in public life you need only what you need 
with the lowest politicians and strikers, namely, win. How 
you win and what means you use are overlooked in the fact 
that you actually won. Probably if you win twice you will be 
a marshal at commencement parade, and if you win several 
times you may become an officer in the university. That you 
slaughtered the morals of a whole congressional district, and 
made bribery and drunkenness and debauchery the rule at the 
humblest cross-roads throughout the district, is of no conse- 
quence at all. The university should know a good man when it 
sees him, but apparently university morality, that is, official 
recognition morality, is made by winning, whether in a stock 
exchange gamble or a political debauch. Men who are now in 
middle life can recall the days when the great civil service 
reform revival called into being and utterance some of the 
finest political idealisms this country has ever known. How 
the university was stirred by them, and the undergraduate 
youth felt nothing so thoroughly, and longed for nothing so 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Universities and Social Advance. 313 

steadily or finely, as to be allied with these majestic men whose 
note of dvic purity was like a gospel in politics. It was a 
gospel ia politics, and nothing less! Contrast that epoch with 
the march of the bribe-giving and perjured public officers 
throughout the academic halls. Compare it with the men who 
sit in the seats of the mighty at commencement and pass out 
platitudes to the undergraduates, men whose pathway in 
public life is one long streak of moral degradation and shame, 
but who, having the powers of finance behind them, were able 
to win. Why has the college man in politics become a hissing? 
Because die college man has been found to be like other men 
except that he brought exceptional talents to the work of 
political jobbery, and was able to avoid the dirtiest of the dirty 
work by hiring men to do it for him. Take, for example, the 
Essex district of Massachusetts, where these lines are written, 
and we have, as the representative in Congress, a son of 
Harvard College, who is there by the most shameless and de- 
moralizing debauchery that could possibly prevail in any 
district in the land. Language cannot do justice to some of the 
results of this debauchery, which was open, shameless, con- 
fessed, has been denied by nobody, and is beyond refutation 
or apology. Yet in the last election this person was able 
to bring to his support, in his fight for reelection, when 
decency was in revolt, an ex-governor of the Common- 
wealth, three attorneys-general of the Commonwealth, three 
congressmen, one United States Senator, a Justice-elect of the 
Supreme Court of the United States, and finally a letter from 
the President of the United States, though not a single one of 
this great aggregation of forces had one syllable to say in 
refutation of specific, detailed, and particular charges of de- 
bauchery and corruption which were brought on the platform 
every night against the man whom they were helping to 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

314 Universities and Social Advance. [April, 

reelect. Probably no district in the United States had so great 
a force of notabilities sent into it. And the striking thing 
about it is, that they were all college men, from the President 
down. They were the college output as it operates in public 
life, and each and every one of them knew that the charges 
were true, and some of them in private admitted them to be 
true, but felt the pressure of political necessity, the shameless 
incumbent being the son-in-law of a United States senator, 
also a distinguished Harvard alumnus, and frequently honored 
by his alma mater. This was the one thing which university 
training and university influence ought to have made im- 
possible. Yet it was university men who were assembled to 
maintain and perpetuate, as they did maintain and perpetuate, 
a situation which is as absolutely one of criminal prostitution as 
can be found in American public life. In other words, the 
university influence and environment acted here just as it did 
in the matter of the scoundrels of high finance. The bond was 
as strong, for this criminaloid congressman was also a rich 
man, and the social tie to the university that made the Hyde 
lectures also made the university influences rally to the sup- 
port of the political corruptionist. 

For twenty years the favorite public man at Yale University 
was the man who is now among the degraded public men of 
the nation, and who misrepresents New York in the Senate of 
the United States. But apparently Yale was no better able 
" to know a good man when it saw him " than Harvard, The 
speeches of this particular man were wont to be exploited by 
the university as among the finest type of the Yale product 
in public life. But just where does the discovery that he was 
not only a hypocrite, but a thoroughly corrupt and degraded 
man, leave the gentlemen and the institution, who were proud 
to put forth this particular man as the finest product of the 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Universities and Social Advance. 315 

Yale theory of education in public service? If they say they did 
not know and had no supernatural means of informationy then 
they must abdicate with the distinguished company at Cam- 
bridge all ability of knowing a good man when they see him or 
having any better powers in this direction than less educated 
people. The truth, however, is far simpler. He represented 
wealth. That was his open sesame. He represented power and 
high finance (stolen from widows and orphans too), but the 
university had to have its alliances with the powerful, and uni- 
versity investments must be kept productive. How ridiculous 
has the scholar in politics become! There is a favorite story 
among Tammany men of a college man who came to Tam- 
many, and, till they knew him, they respected his supposed 
scruples against the lower forms of political procedure. When 
they knew him they felt differently, and one of them, speaking 

of this particular man, said, " By , that fellow is the limit. 

He made a new record for me/* And the present writer heard 
the man thus referred to say, with cynical indifference to the 
opinions of the college bred, when he was asked what they 
might think of his choice of means and alliances, " I don't 

care a d what they think. All I need, to be cheered next 

commencement, when I go back, is to win." And right he 
was. And he went back, and was introduced as the victorious 
hero of many a hard-fought political battle, and cheered to the 
echo at the university. His name had been dragged through 
the mire, and he was guilty of political debaucheries without 
number, open and unconcealed, but his college honored him ! 
Did the college know or had success made right? Every one 
knows, who has thought about it -at all and has observed uni- 
versity practice in this regard in recent years, that the 
university has simply either shut its eyes entirely to the means 
by which its eminent graduates have become rich or has taken 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

316 Ufiiversities and Social Advance. [April, 

thdr success as the measure of their moral status. And the 
university as an institution has been in alliance with pditical 
corruption in exactly the same way as it has been in alliance 
with corrupt finance. 


A distinguished New York lawyer, the Hon. Edward M. 
Shepard, addressing the Illinois Bar Association in 1907, be- 
gan his address by saying: — 

" We American lawyers who are not already moralists, as by vir- 
tue of our office all of us ought to be, must become moralMe right 
soon if the profession is longer to hold the powerful place in Amer- 
ican public life which has traditionally belonged to it for a century 
and a half. . . • We must frankly confess that the American lawyer 
has lost some of his preference and prestige in political life .... the 
profession has to remember that its ability practically to influence 
the masses of men in their affairs of politics and state, depends upon 
the measure of popular belief in its devotion to the general welfare 
of those yery masses and upon the measure of popular belief that 
lawyers are not, whether by money retainer or by ingrained habit 
of thought, dedicated to the service of narrow, special or selfish in- 

Here you have a restrained and careful statement, by a leader 
in his profession, of the status of his profession in the public 
mind from his point of view. It is entirely optimistic. If any 
one but a man of Mr. Shepard's standing and power were 
speaking, he would say that the American lawyer has well 
nigh lost his position as mentor to the American masses, ex- 
cept when they are forced to resort to him as a power by which 
they can meet the exactions of some other member of the same 
profession. It is no exaggeration to say that any assumption 
of ethical interest by lawyers in the practice of the profession, 
would in any club in the country produce a convulsion of 
derisive laughter. And it is even less subject to the charge of 
exaggeration to say, that the vast mass of the people outside 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Universities and Social Advance. 317 

professkmal circles do not regard the mass of lawyers as 
honest men in the sense in which a clerk working for an em- 
ployer has to be honest or lose his job. Now it is not 
necessary to affirm this to be the fact. The truth probably is, 
that honesty is just as certainly existent among lawyers as 
among clergymen, doctors, or business men, probably no more, 
no less. But that there has been a distinct decline in pro- 
fessional influence and standards Mr. Shepard has brought 
out, and many others have again and again stated the same 
thing. Of the decline in professional ideals among clerg3rmen, 
many things have been written which need not be discussed 
here, as it is also not the purpose to discuss the decline of 
professional ideals among lawyers. The mere fact is the im- 
portant thing in this discussion. And the distinguished 
barrister of New York puts his hand quickly upon the cause, 
namely, when he says that, popularly, legal powers are 
supposed to be for sale to the highest bidder, and legal 
abilities can be purchased for every kind of rascality for which 
legal abilities are employed. Nor is this now a matter of con- 
jecture. Even the lay mind can easily see in the story of the 
traction frauds in New York City that they would have been 
impossible without the leadership and skillful manipulation of 
the leading lawyers of that city, names which figure among 
the foremost names in the nation's intellectual life. Now it is 
fair to say that the legal profession is among the most sensi- 
tive to university opinion. It is therefore also true to say that, 
if these gentlemen who represent the highest development of 
the legal profession had had the slightest intimation that thdr 
standing as lawyers and gentlemen would have suffered at 
the academic centers, by reason of their serving these 
scoundrels of high finance (they are the constant factors in the 
problem), and performing these acts which allied their brains 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

318 Universities and Social Advance, [April, 

with the robberies, the trickeries, and the frauds, which these 
men committed, they would have hesitated to render these 
services. But they knew perfectly well that they stood in no 
such danger. They were cognizant of the fact that the uni- 
versity authorities were in intimate relationship with the same 
men for whom they were providing the legal means for 
duping thousands of innocent investors, and were thereby 
estopped from criticising them, the mere employees of the 
financial interests whom the universities were themselves 
courting. Every one connected with professional life knows 
that a few leaders make the standards for the whole pro- 
fession, and that just as soon as it was seen that the leaders 
of the bar in every city had placed their talents at the command 
of the predatory corporations and other corrupt interests, the 
ideals of the profession began to sink, and they have been 
sinking in the legal profession for twenty years. Just at the 
present moment the prosecution of many of these interests, 
made necessary by the breakdown of the colossal framework 
of fraud which had become too topheavy to sustain its weight, 
has brought into the foreground a breed of men who seem to 
be differently fibered. But this, for the moment, is also the 
pathway to public recognition and preferment, and before its 
real value to the profession can be estimated it is worth while 
to wait. The outstanding fact, as the matter now stands, is, 
that the country has had before it the evidence that the profes- 
sion upon which it has most to rely for the making and main- 
taining of its laws has been for the most part sold to the 
highest bidder, and has furnished to interests now known to 
be corrupt, vicious, and thoroughly dishonest its choicest 
intellects for the period of the last twenty years. 

Now what was the relation of the university to all this? It 
was the relation which the academic center, which is the heart 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Universities and Social Advance. 319 

of professional life, sustains to the ideals of the profession. 
If the profession had even in the slightest degree supposed 
that by accepting commissions to obfuscate the public and 
cheat the courts by such performances as characterized the 
handling of the traction roads in New York City it would 
incur academic condemnation, there would have been a pause 
instantly certainly by the men highest up in the profession. 
But did the heart of the professional life, did the mother of 
professional ideals, send out to her children any note whatever 
of how she felt about these things? Has she sent out any 
note, now that she has seen her learning prostituted to the 
service of scoundrels? Nobody has heard such a note. On 
the contrary, these lawyers have been the men she has called 
bade to her halls to indicate what a successful lawyer is like. 
In other words, the custodian of the professional ideal gave 
over her custody to the same interest to vfhom she had given 
her material interest, and thus she completed the circle of her 
own shame. Having accepted the bounty of the corrupt, she was 
bound to condone the practices of those who served them. 
Many young lawyers have told the present writer that this fact 
of the purchasability of the best legal talent for any use what- 
ever, was the most perplexing ethical question before them, 
and was constantly raising distressing questions of personal 
honor and uprightness. 

Professional ideals are made in the university, and are as 
surely the product of university opinion as is the education 
which makes the professional life itself. It is therefore fairly 
chargeable to the want of sound opinion at the universities 
that the legal profession has steadily declined in power and 
usefulness and prestige as regards the higher forms of Ameri- 
can life and social development. Indeed, as regards this 
particular profession, though mutatis mutandis, the same 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

320 Universities and Social Advance. [April, 

thing is true of every other profession, the culpability is 
specially great, since the law has so much to do with social 
advance of every kind. The administration of the courts and 
the general attitude toward laws and law-making is itself one 
of the greatest of social forces, and its contaminaticm may 
therefore be said to be a matter of particular importance. If 
the men who are to interpret the laws, and who are to make 
the public opinion which prevails in respect to its judgments 
of the relation between the administration of the law and the 
administration of justice, lose their sense of the social sig- 
nificance of these things, the loss is something almost too 
fearful to contemplate; and this, in fact, in some cases has 
actually happened. The insurance thieves, for example, had 
been so fortified by legal opinions and legal advice that it is 
not hard to believe that scMne of them thought they had a 
perfect right to do the things which they did. Indeed, in al- 
most all the exposures of great corruption in recent years, 
the curious thing is, that step by step it was gtvcn legal basis, 
and, in the final acts of some of these cases, it was found that 
the tracks had been so carefully covered, that, while all the 
facts were known, skillful reservations and ambiguities made 
criminal incarceration and conviction impossible. And thtss 
the public has seen the legal profession at its lowest, the high- 
est talent employed for the purpose of enabling thieves in 
high finance to avoid the consequences of their crimes ; while 
lesser men were unable to employ such talent, which they 
could not afford, and therefore went to jail. But partnership 
in this regard by the university cannot be avdded. The school 
had a duty and a voice in this matter. She uttered no voice, 
and she abandoned a duty, and she honored her abandoned 
children to the exclusion of honester men. Upon the uni- 
versity a large share of this riot of crime rests. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908,] Universities and Social Advance. 321 


It will afford an interesting contrast, however, to turn from 
tbese attitudes and alliances of the university to the state of 
mind which has prevailed at the academic centers with refer- 
ence to the general social advance as represented in the 
movement of the social body toward a larger and a finer life. 
It would be interesting to know what, if any, meliorating 
movement of the last twenty years has received the sponsor- 
ship of any university, especially one that affected any 
" interest " in any appreciable degree? The last twenty years 
have seen remarkable advances in the conditions of workmen, 
in the operations of charity and philanthropy. It has seen 
great movements toward larger liberty and toward the greater 
restraint of the strong in their grasp upon exclusive privileges ; 
and, indeed, for twenty years the distinctive note of modem 
society has been the greater equalization of the opportunities 
and enjoyments of life. In other words, society has set itself 
to abolish privilege, by whatever name it calls itself, and has set 
to work resolutely to break down every form of injustice 
which it can lay hands upon. This has become so much the 
movement of the best spirits of the time that it constitutes a 
kind of chivalry of the period, and has enlisted more heart and 
soul and sacrifice than most people not a part of the movement 
can imagine. Out of the universities themselves it called a 
choice group of youth who bravely grappled with the terra 
incognita of the other half of the world, and undertook to 
know it and to serve it. It practically created a new profession. 
It injected a kind of poetry into modem life, and began a 
career of social discovery which is not ended yet. It began 
with an attitude of humility and self-abnegation which was 
itself a kind of romance, and simply gave itself to the careful 
observation and study of the masses of mankind, with a view 
Vol. LXV. No. 25a 9 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

322 Uftiversities and Social Advatxce, [April, 

to serving them and helping them. Now as a matter of course 
many of these social pioneers were university men and women. 
But the university did not teach it to them, nor did the uni- 
versity encourage them until the thing had reached a stage 
where the imagination was appealed to, and each university 
had to have a pet social settlement to exploit as one of the 
evidences of " what our university does for the less favored," 
etc. But from its beginnings and its earliest developments, 
this was a human movement that began with passion, fire, and 
with love. It has g^own until it has a thousand activities. It 
stimulated a thousand new forms of itself, and has overleaped 
all its original bounds, and is now operating in ways which 
the original promoters could not possibly have anticipated. In 
short it has created the modem social uprising, the insistent 
demand for real democracy. It is at this moment the most 
vital thing in life among Americans. It is the idealism of 
America reappearing in forms of social advance and social 
emergence. Now such movements in the olden times were 
the outcome of the university spirit and teaching. But syn- 
chronously with this movement what has the university as an 
institution been doing? It has been standing for conservatism, 
falsely so-called, it has been holding up the hands of the 
brigands of society, it has been accepting and growing on the 
endowments of public plunderers, and has made the university 
the bulwark of the predatory interest. It has excluded from 
its own halls almost every voice that spoke for the common 
interest. It had in its sacred desks the men who were the 
preachers for the most part under the pay of the heads of the 
special interests whom it sought to ally with its financial 
foundations. It has had in its chairs the representatives of the 
theories which denied the rights of the masses and fortified 
the interests of the few against the many. It made its special 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Universities aiid Social Advance. ^^ 323 

bids to the millionaire, however crude or vulgar, and left many 
of its honest sons without the recognition or help of the 
academic friendship in the battles for justice where justice was 
obviously on their side. Indeed, in the last twenty years it has 
been the most effectual bar to academic recognition to stand 
for any popular interest, and the public and the university in- 
terest have practically become things ever against each other. 
In other words, the battles of democracy have gradually re- 
vealed, that, in so far as the universities had to be reckoned 
with, they had to be reckoned as on the side of the intrenched 
injustice and the moneyed brigandage of the land. That this 
is not violence in statement may be readily seen by looking 
over the names which have figured in the academic recognition 
of the last twenty years, and those which have figured in the 
discredited financial operations of the same period in so far 
as these have been laid open to the public. The Hyde dinner 
which finally brought the rupture which let in light on the 
Equitable Insurance scandals had university presidents, men 
of light and leading, present, giving the weight of their 
academic presence to what is now known to have been the 
wild orgy of a thief. Of course they did not know! But 
there stands the fact that the university dignitaries were pres- 
ent, and they did not apparently know a good man or a bad 
one when they saw him. 

But even this could have been forgiven, if the university had 
not gone farther, and ventured to brand the men who looked 
for a larger life as enemies of public order, " anarchists," and 
other undesirable persons. They undertook to rebuke the men 
who cried out against the now acknowledged social injustice, 
and undertook to throttle the social conscience just as it was 
beginning to make itself felt in the wider public relationships 
of men. Was there a more anarchistic assembly held in the 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

324 Universities and Social Advance. [April, 

last twenty years than the Hyde dinner with its luxury, its 
extravagance, and its wanton waste, while society was groan- 
ing with injustice and pain and shame, and millions were 
hungry and travailing over the ills of life? Every man who 
was at that dinner should have known, the university heads 
especially, that underneath that luxury there was groaning a 
mass of human misery, that should have shocked and awak- 
ened them. But the university, the stock exchange, the rail- 
road clique, and the insurance gang of looters were all at one 
at that assembly. The social conscience there was non- 
existent. No wonder men held their breath! No wonder a 
shudder of fear ran through the country as thoughtful men 
began to contemplate the effect of these things upon the 
masses. And the uprising of these masses was stimulated 
even more. But there stood our alma mater smiling beside 
the looter and the grafter, and bestowing her fairest awards 
upon the successful enemies of the social whole. If this seems 
an overdrawn picture, let the reader just quietly go to the 
library, and look over the records of the past fifteen or twenty 
years, and see what has been happening, and see what the 
attitude of the university has been to the social uprising; and 
then let him wonder why the last place to which the masses 
turn, " for the clarification of their human sympathies or the 
elevation of their human preferences," is to the university. 


President Eliot, in his address before the Connecticut State 
Teachers' Association, in 1902, on "More Money for the 
Public Schools because of the Failures and Shortcommgs in 
American Education," enumerated a number of these short- 
comings and the relation of public education to them. It was 
an interesting exhibit and the conclusions were for the most 
part fairly drawn, though allowances were not made for cer- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Universities and Social AdvaiKe. 325 

tain compkxities and forces which inhere in the nature of 
public education which do not or ought not to affect education 
under private auspices and control. A private institution, for 
example, may, and in general does, prescribe the conditions 
and qualifications of those who seek its benefits. The public 
schools cannot make such distinctions. Barring known physi- 
cal and moral defects which can be justifiably brought to the 
attention of a public tribunal, the public schools have abso- 
lutely no option as to whom they shall receive, and cannot go 
behind the returns as to antecedents, environment, or other 
conditions affecting character and habits. A private institu- 
tion, on the other hand, can do all of these things ; and, if it 
does not do them, it is because of n^lect on its own part, not 
because it has not the powers for such control and inspecticm 
prior to the admission of any student. It will be interesting, 
therefore, to take President Eliot's arraignment of the public 
schools and, with this distinction in mind, raise the question as 
to just what difference exists, if any, in its effectiveness when 
applied to the universities as well as the public schools. In 
this connection, of course, the privately controlled universities 
are chiefly in mind. The great state universities are compara- 
tively of so recent origin as, with rare exceptions, like the 
University of Michigan, not to be reckoned with the great 
privately controlled universities. Then, too, they, like the 
public schools, are subject to the distinction above noted. 
President Eliot says: — 

'* For more than two generations we have been struggling with the 
barbarous vice of dnmkenness, but have not yet discovered a sue- 
cessfnl method of dealing with it . . . The public schools ought to 
have made it impossible that benevolence and devotion (in the form 
of wrong temperance teaching in the schools) should be so misdi- 
rected. The courts have failed to deal wisely with habitual drunk- 
ards as a class, both the theory and the practice of fines and short 
imprisonments as applied to drunkards being entirely futile." 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

326 Universities and Social Advance. [April, 

But what about the colleges? If there is a more disgfraceful 
chapter in the college life than that which has to do with the 
drunken orgies of classes at annual dinners and other func- 
tions, the present writer, with fifteen years' careful observation 
of this particular phenomenon before him, does not know it. 
The very institution over which Dr. Eliot presides has fur- 
nished in Boston so many orgies of this character, that a 
number of the leading hotels in Boston will not now accept 
contracts to have class suppers held at their houses, because 
of the drunkenness and the general smash-ups which have 
followed these affairs. Others require heavy indemnit>' bonds 
before the affairs come off, to insure them against losses from 
such proceedings. But Harvard is not a sinner above all that 
dwell in Jerusalem. A recent Doctor of Philosophy of Yale 
states, that, at a recent class reunion of middle-aged men at 
New Haven, he saw drunken graduates of that university 
lying in the gutters on the college green. And this is not in 
the last century but within a very few years! Examples 
might be multiplied ; but these are enumerated, that this state- 
ment may not be passed over as a glittering generality with 
nothing specific. It is safe to say that when the results are 
carefully examined, in proportion to its per centum of the 
population, the university men have contributed quite their 
share of drunkards, and are as much creators and disciples of 
the " barbarian vice " as any others. The indictment against 
the public schools holds with tenfold greater force against the 
colleges, because the latter represents a class of much g^reater 

Again he says: — 

** The persistence of gambling in the United States is another dis- 
appointing thing to the advocates of popular education. ... It is a 
prevalent vice among all savage people, but one which moderate cul- 
tivation of the intelligence — a very little foresight and the least 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Universities and Social Advance. 327 

sense of responsibility — should be sufficient to eradicate. . . . The 
passion for gambling affects the market not only for stocks and 
bonds but for the great staples of commerce and the necessaries of 

And here again Jiow do the colleges compare with the public 
schools? The children play craps and other small gambling 
games, but President Eliot can see from his house a place 
where stock quotations are gfiven daily in Cambridge, or used 
to be, for the students who gamble throughout their college 
course. A similar place is much frequented in New Haven, 
and the form of gambling which best suits the temperament 
and class in life of the students, finds as full and perhaps 
fuller expression among the university population as among 
any other; while the great stock gamblers of the country, the 
men who do the thing on the large scale which affects the 
masses of mankind, are, as previously stated, many of them, 
mfen actively allied to college endowments and benefactions and 
administration. If the case against the public schools is a bad 
one (and it is), the case against the colleges is vastly worse. 

Again President Eliot alludes to the disappointment with 
reference to universal suffrage, and holds that popular educa- 
tion here has not done what we expected it to da But here 
again, without leaving the boundaries of his own city or his 
own state, he can see university men allied to every form of 
corruption and misuse of public service that exists in the 
Commonwealth. He can see the State of Connecticut held in 
the leash of an obsolete and utterly unjust form of govern- 
ment at the behest and by the power of men trained in Yale 
University, who are in the dominant political machine of that 
State. He can go among the graduates of the universities of 
the land and he can find the conspicuous offenders against 
civic and social righteousness bearing degrees often honorary 
of the highest institutions of the land. The distinction be- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

328 Universities and Social Advance. [April, 

tween the university and the public schools cannot be found. 
If any exist, all the facts considered, the balance is against 
the university, especially when we consicfcr that the non- 
voting, civic-indolent population is almost alwa3rs the uni- 
versity bred. In New York it is an axiom among the 
reformers, that there is more conscience on the lower East 
Side than on the avenues, and the Back Bay of Boston rarely 
votes except in a great crisis, and then only because the money 
nerve drives it. 

'* Since one invaluable result of education is a taste for good read- 
ing, the purchase by the pe(^le of thousands of tons of ephemeral 
reading matter which is not good in either form or substance, 8hO¥^ 
that one great end of popular education has not been attained. . . . 
From the point of view of the social philosopher or the ethical re- 
former this is the worst disappointment of all in regard to the re- 
sults of common school education in the nineteenth century." 

But ask an honest undergraduate, or ask any honest graduate 
of fifteen years' standing, on this subject, a!nd you will find 
that the mass of the university-bred men have as their chief 
literary diet the newspaper and these not always the best. 
The ten-cent magazine, which Professor James suggests as a 
possible supplanter of the university as a great educative 
force, stands next, and probably the vast majority of the men 
not actually in professions which require book reading, will 
frankly admit that they are not reading men. If this indictment 
is true and sound as to the public;schools, and it appears to be, 
though President Eliot is not just to the masses in this re- 
spect, as in most things, it is a thousand times more condem- 
natory of the men who have been through college. In fact, 
the " masses," strictly speaking, are not the buyers of the ten- 
cent magazines. The advertisements show who make and 
sui^rt the ten-cent magazines. Here again, proportionately, 
the indictment holds equally against the college as well as the 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] UmversiHes and Social Advance. 329 

public school. In fact, when the conditions are taken into 
account, the balance is again against the college. 

And last among the things which we shall select in this 
contrast is the theater. President Eliot says; " If the put>lic 
education had been mentally and morally adequate, surely the 
public theater would be very much better than it is to-day." 
Possibly the distinguished head of Harvard has not attended 
the chorus-girl shows and the claptrap stuflf with which the 
theatrical trust has flooded the American stage and made it a 
scandal. But let any show peculiarly, bad come to Boston or 
New Hiaven or any other university city, and he will see the 
college crowd conspicuously lined up in the front rows. In 
fact, the undergraduate support of such things is one of the 
things which have led to their exploiting so extensively. It 
is a curious ignorance of the facts that fixes on the public 
schods in this matter as the reprehensible influence. If there 
is a peculiar spot where the colkge lawlessness, the college 
rowdyism, the college want of breeding and taste, and the 
college lack of manliness and fairness have come to the sur- 
face with greater force than any other, it is in connection with 
the degraded shows of the modem theater. Evidently the 
colleges have not helped much in this matter. 

Now in all this there is no want of recognition of the forces 
on the other side. The good men in the universities, the noble 
graduates who labor for the public good, and the minority 
who cc«ne out of the universities prepared to make some 
sacrifice for the public good commensurate with the privileges 
which they have enjoyed, — not one of them is overlooked. 
But, viewed from the same angle from which President Eliot 
views the public schods, and in the same spirit, the university- 
bred population have not justified their cost to the country, 
and the universities as social institutions have failed quite as 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

330 Universities and Social Advance. [April, 

much as the public schools. In fact, their failure has beien 
greater because they have furnished the leaders of the great 
predatory enterprises, they have furnished the stock gamblers 
and market manipulators, and they have not denied to these 
social pests academic recognition and fellowship. This fact is 
one reason which has in the Western States steadily caused the 
rising tide in favor of state imiversities. Democracy has seen 
higher education perverted to the use of an exploiting class, 
and has seen the institutions which should have been the 
liberators become the allies of those who have sought to malce 
private gain of public necessity. It was probably this fact 
which led President Hadley some years ago to propose social 
ostracism as a punishment for these persons. But has Yale 
ostracised anybody except those who were actually caught 
with the " goods on '*? Of course not Nor has any university 
which has had to rely upon its alliance with the stock market 
and the clearing-house to keep its funds productive. Even the 
literary product of these institutions has, much of it, been of 
the same character, as will be shown in some subsequent dis- 
cussion. The present outstanding fact is, that, as related to the 
struggle for social advance, the universities have, as of yore, 
been against the popular interest, and the privately controlled 
institution has steadily stood against the progress of 
democratic ideals and their realization. And it has done more. 
Many young men who came to it full of high and sacrificial 
notions of public service and devotion, it has weaned away 
frcMn these passionate strivings of youth, and substantially 
bidden them first to put money in their purses and then strive 
to lift the body politic. And in this influence, the church, the 
state, and the social fabric alike have been weakened and made 
more subject to the social ills inherent in our gigantic experi- 
ment in universal suffrage and popular government. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Can S^ecularism Do It? 331 




The following statements will at once indicate the 
principles and positions which distinguish some of the schools 
of modern unbelief, and which have been advocated by a 
number of individuals around whose names no little fame has 
already gathered. 

** To us it is conceivable that in some minds the deep pathos lying 
in the thought of human mortality — that we are here for a little 
while and then vanish away, that this earthly life is all that is given 
to our loved ones and to our many suffering fellowmen — lies nearer 
the fountains of moral emotion than the conception of extended ex- 
istence." * 

George J. Holyoake, who passed away a few years ago, at 
the advanced age of eighty-nine years, and who was a recog- 
nized leader of Secularism in England for many years, de- 
clared, in his " Principles of Secularism," that "Secularism 
proposes to regulate human affairs by considerations purely 
human." And it is a primal tenet of the Secularistic school 
that, "whatever we do, our motives must be sought only 
within the circle of the present." 

The late Mr. W. R. Greg, one of the class of so-called 
"serious skeptics" so characteristic of the present day, ap- 
peared to be in full sympathy with the foregoing sentiments, 

'George Eliot, art on " Worldliness and Other Worldliness," West- 
minster Review, January, 1857. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

332 Can Seculcarism Do It? [April, 

and in his "Creed of Christendom" he has the following 
remarks : — 

*' It is only those who feel a deep interest in and affection for this 
world, who will work resolutely for its amelioration; those whose 
affections are transferred to heaven; acquiesce easily in the miseries 
of earth, give them up as hopeless, as ordained, and console them- 
selves with the idea of the amends which are one day to be theirs. 
If we had looked upon this earth as our only scene, it is doubtful if 
we should so long have tolerated its more monstrous anomalies and 
more curable evils. But it is easier to look to a future paradise than 
to strive to make one on earth ; and the depreciating and hollow lan- 
guage of preachers has played into the tmnds of the insincerity and 
the indolence of mankind" (p. 251). 

Some time ago, Winnewoode Reed, one of England's 
literati, died, and among the last things which he penned was 
the following: — 

'' I have given up the old Gospel, with its immortalities, and have 
accepted the religion of humanity, which is love virtuously, honor the 
planet on which you dwell, and then, first and noblest of animalat, 
die, and go to the dust, and that is all." 

In these selections, which could Easily be multiplied, wc 
have the representations and claims of modern secularism and 
materialism, and with one bold sweep of the hand, that re- 
ligion which has been the chief source of all beneficent 
civilization, basis of true culture, cause of refinement, founda- 
tion of morals, and the one great spring of comfort and 
happiness to mankind, is ignored, set aside, or snuffed out 
like some insignificant candle, as something belonging to the 
shadows of dreamland, or as being worse than useless when 
confronted with the needs, the sorrows, and sad conditions 
which mark the struggling human world in which we live! 

The chief purpose of the present article is to call in question 
these positions and claims, so loudly announced by the leaders 
of the Agnostic and Materialist schools, and to point out the 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Cm Secularism Do It? 333 

fact that the renowned hypothesis of a pure worldliness, for 
which so much is predicted and claimed, has never borne the 
goodly fruit so confidently promised by its famous chiefs; 
but, on the contrary, its historic career has been distinguished 
by failures of the most humiliating and undeniable kind. 
When fairly tested in the " mad farce of this wicked world," 
and the actual deplorable conditions which so largely prevail, 
it has demonstrated not only its almost utter inability to 
inaugurate a single grand reform, but has constantly been 
letting loose certain elements of social disorder and moral 
ruin, the sad monuments and proofs of which remain imtil 
this day. To represent Christianity, with its sublime teach- 
ings respecting another state or world, as unfitting men for 
the present by making them indifferent to its pursuits, duties, 
obligations, miseries, and claims, is a statement so glaring 
in its falseness as to be unworthy of a calm and serious reply. 
To base an objection against the Christian religion on the 
monastic, glocMny asceticism and unfaithfulness of some who 
have professed to be its disciples, is to involve its advocates in 
a theory which, in its logical application and execution, would 
be destructive of all the noble callings, professions, and insti- 
tutions which are to-day the world's benediction and its 
distinguishing, unfading crown. That system of unbelief 
which is compelled to occupy such ground as this is certainly 
reduced to the most pitiable straits, and it is an unconscious 
confession of the erroneous and indefensible foundations on 
which it rests. The impotence and inability of all systems 
which repudiate a supernatural religion to work out the 
world's regeneration and secure for our million-peopled earth 
nobler and happier conditions is evident when the following 
considerations receive the attention and recogfnition which they 
constantly demand : — 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

334 Can Secularism Do It? [April, 


In the Nineteenth Century some years ago, is found an 
article on the "Agnostic at Church," written by a professed 
member of the Agnostic school, and containing some con- 
fessions, at once indicating the helplessness of this system 
of negations, about which so much has been said and 
prophesied in the present day. In answer to the question, 
whether one who believes nothing can be known of God 
should join in a worship which is based on the assumption 
that He can be known and that He is known, this writer 
arrives at the conclusion that he should join in such 
worship; and the chief reasons adduced are, first, "that the 
teachings of the Church do more good than harm, directly 
and indirectly," and he acknowledges "the enormous in- 
fluence for good that every one of us must have seen arising 
from the teaching of religion now as in all past ages." 

In addition to this confession, contained in the paper re- 
ferred to, another admission is made, which carries with it a 
force and significance which we do well to note. This writer 
frankly recognizes the fact that Agfnosticism does not possess 
that "moral lifting power" which the vast masses of men 
need to arrest the downward tendencies within and without, 
and elevate them to lives of truth and righteousness. He 
remarks that " the Agnostic, with his abstract ideas of Deity 
and Humanity, is powerless to affect the masses of mankind." 
Ajnd yet these applauded apostles of modem negation would 
practically igfnore and undermine and eventually destroy that 
faith which has ennobled and blessed the thronging multitudes 
of men during the sixty generations of the past! 

Professor Huxley has correctly said "that we live in a 
world that is full of misery and ignorance, and the plain duty 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Can Secularism Do It? 335 

of each and all of us is to try to make the little corner he can 
influence somewhat less ignorant than it was before he entered 
it." With this sentiment we will not find fault, for ignorance 
and misery, vice, sin, and immorality, aboimd on every hand ; 
and the plain duty of all is to remove this sad condition of 
things as far as they possibly can. So far, then, most all are 
agreed, but the grand question is, How is this desired and 
beneficent result to be accomplished? On this point Pro- 
fessor Huxley says: "To do this eflfectively it is necessary 
to be fully persuaded of only two beliefs — ^the first, that the 
order of nature is ascertainable by our faculties to an extent 
which is practically unlimited; and the second is, that our 
volition counts for something as a condition of the course of 

However plausible this proposed method or remedy may 
appear to be on paper, when brought into the countless ranks 
of our fellow-men, who are the subjects and victims of social 
and moral degradations, and confronted by the broad world 
of human want and actuality, it will be seen that these two 
vague beliefs are utterly unable to bring about the great 
social and general reformation which the case demands. 
Frederic Harrison, a follower of G>mte, in an article in the 
Nineteenth Century, for October, 1880, frankly avowed that 

"the physical speculations usually called Science, Materialism, Evo- 
lution, Agnosticism, Pree-thought and all other schemes in fashion 
to-day, do not touch the problem of man's moral and social basis at 
all, and in spite of philosophy, from Hume to Spencer, the old the- 
ology maintains its social authority, if not its mental sway, alike in 
a materialized England, in a Voltairean France, and in a sceptical 

He goes on to say that " Science gives no unity to life, no 
rule of conduct, no support of the soul. Together modern 
science and philosophy, stopping helplessly where they do. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

336 Can Secularism Do It? [April, 

have chilled, paralyzed, and almost killed the spirit of De- 
votion, of Veneration, of Self-abasement, of Self-surrender to 
a jjeat, Over-niling Power." "Philosophy and Science," 
he admits, " have given us priceless things, but we say they 
have given us no Religion, no Providence, no Supreme Centre 
of our thoughts and of our loves." They answer, that they 
have never assumed so high a mission, and that it is no part of 
their function. " Unworthy answer," he exclaims, "in which 
your present impotence is written! Inasmuch as, year by 
year, for centuries, they have been taking away this supreme 
basis of all human life, they were bound to supply the true 
basis when they took away the false." This writer, though far 
away from the ranks of orthodoxy, and endeavoring to find 
satisfaction in Positivism, believes that faith in a personal 
God, and a religion based upon this faith, is absolutely 
necessary to a true, peaceful, and noble life, and he ridicules 
those who hold to nothing else but a mere Humanism as the 
r^enerator of society, and the ennoblement of the world. 
" This Humanism dreads discipline ; it has no moral stamina ; 
it passes into scepticism, impotent capacity to come to a de- 
cision and thence on to eflfeminency, grossness, unnatural 
passion, or ignoble dreaming." With reference to the specu- 
lations of men of the Matthew Arnold type, who are per- 
petually talking about the "Eternal" (not ourselves) "that 
makes for righteousness " and the idea of God being defecated 
to a pure transparency, he declares that all such theorizing 
is mere words. It will hallow no life and enlighten no spirit. 
Let who will, be it in piety or utter bewilderment, or the mere 
wish to say something, erect altars to the " Unknown God, . . . 
a Grand Perhaps is not God ; to dogmatize about the Infinite, 
to guess, to doubt, to fear, to hope there is a future life — that 
is not to have a religion whereby to live and die." 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Can Secularism Do It? 337 

Mr. J. S. Mill, the apostle of modem utilitarianism, whilst 
igfnoring the means and remedies proposed by Qiristianity 
for the moral elevation of the race, has propoimded various 
methods for the social reformation of society and the world, 
and he was permitted to live long enough to see that many of 
his grand theories were little more than the brooding^ of a 
prejudiced imagination, and the legitimate fruit of so many 
splendid but unsubstantial and baseless dreams. After 
watching the effects of his teachings upon the practical, every- 
day life of the multitudes around him, he makes the following 
suggestive and significant confession : — 

" In England I had seen and continued to see many of the opinions of 
my youth obtain general recognition, and many of the reforms in insti- 
tutions, for which I had through life contended, either effected or in 
course of being so. But these changes had been attended with much 
less benefit to human well-being than I should formerly have antici- 
pated, because they had produced very little Improvement in that 
which all real amelioration in the lot of mankind depends on, their 
intellectual and moral state ; and it might even be questioned if the 
various causes of deterioration which had been at worlc in the mean- 
while, had not more than counterbalanced the tendencies to im- 
provement. 1 had learned from experience that any false opin- 
ions may be exchanged for true ones, without in the least altering 
the habits of mind of which false opinions are the results. ... I am 
now omvinced, that no great improvements in the lot of mankind 
are possible, until a great change takes place in the fundamental 
constitution of their modes of thought" ^ 

Is there not here an indirect recognition of the need of a 
moral regeneration which the teachings and influences of 
Secularism have been utterly unable to effect? And is there 
not something like an unconscious orthodoxy, which con- 
teniplates a spiritual transformation before the world can 
reach those conditions of peace, progress, and happiness of 
which the leaders of Materialism had done little else than 
^Autobiography, pp. 238, 239. 
Vol. I^V. No. 268 10 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

338 Can Secularism Do It? [April, 

speculate and dream? The late Mr. Greg was in full 
sympathy with the same view, and wrote as follows : — 

" In truth, those only can safely and serrlceably encounter social 
evils who can both watch, and in some measure Imitate, God's mode 
of dealing with them. . . . Few, we believe, will ever effect real, rad- 
ical, permanent social amelioration, who endeavored to cure evils by 
direct enactment; whose feelings are too keen and sensitive to wait 
the time of the Most High, and to contemplate with unflinching faith 
and patience the sufferings continued through, ot by reason of, the 
remedial process, sometimes even aggravated by it"^ 

In modem heresy, with reference to the mingled splendor 
and shame of human nature, the old rose-colored pictures of 
humanity, as drawn by many of the earlier skeptics, are here 
laid c<Mnpletely aside, and unlooked-for confirmations of the 
Christian religion in reference to man's true condition are 
found in secularistic literature on almost every hand. 

The representations of the actual state and history of man- 
kind in the various and prolonged ages of their existence, as 
given by Mr. Greg, are like so many quotations from that 
bode from whose teachings so many have sailed away into 
an ocean of doubt ^^^ uncertainty with no grand outfit to 
guide them on their cheerless and stormy way. " Man is 
such a * pie-bald miscellany * with his 

*' ' Bursts of great-heart, and slips in sensual mire ;' " 
the discrepancy is so vast between our highest actual and 
our most moderate ideal; the follies of men are so utterly 
astonishing, to one who has seen them close; their weakness 
so profoundly despicable, their vices so unspeakably revolting ; 
their virtues even, so casual, halting, and holtew; life such 
a comedy to those who think, such a tragedy to those who 
feel, its pages are so sadly and incomprehensibly grotesque! 
And he says that — 

'Enigmas of Life (4th ed.), pp. leo, 161. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Cm Secularism Do It? 339 

" Our greatest thinkers have lived and died in sorrow because they 
could arrive only at conclusions, both in speculations and in actual 
life, from which it was impossible to escape, yet in which it was 
impossible to rest. Grand capacities, which seemed adequate to the 
mightiest achievements, inwoven weaknesses which dishonored those 
capacities and rendered those achievements hopeless and unattain- 
able; germs and specimens of virtues approaching the Divine, and 
promising a glorious future, yet dashed with imperfections and im- 
pulses which seem to hint of a low origin and a still lower destiny ; 
vast steps forward to a lofty goal, — recreant backslidings towards 
the bottomless abyss; ages of progress and enlightenment, followed 
by ages of darkness and retrogression ; unmfistakable indications of a 
mighty purpose and an ulterior career, undeniable facts which make 
those indications seem a silly mockery; much to excite the fondest 
hopes, much to warrant the uttermost despair; beautiful affections, 
noble aspirations, pure tastes, fine intellects, measureless delights, 
all the elements of Paradise, — 

" * But the trail of the serpent still over them all.' " 

And now come the sad, sad confessions and lamentations 
of all true men who have looked at the race from an im- 
christian standpoint: — 

"And, as from their watchtowera of contemplation, the wise and 
good have brooded over these baffling contradictions, what marvel 
that one by one they should have dropped off into their graves — 
sorrowing and wondering if peradventure behind the great black 
veil of death they might find the key to the mysteries whidi sad- 
dened their noble spirits upon earth." ^ 

Stuart Mill was profoundly conscious of the insufficiency 
of his own theories to meet the deep wants of life, and pro- 
vide for him a friehdly abiding shelter from the storms of 
life. In the tenets of his philosophy there was an absence 
of those mighty motives which present an inspiring influence 
and power to men amid the trying and arduous duties of 
man's life and work. Working for mankind on the principks 
of a pure, brief worldliness, he f^lt that something more was 
needed to sustain him till his plans were accomplished, and 
•Enigmas of Life, pp. 187, ISa 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

340 Can Secularism Do It? [April, 

his long-applauded and cherished work was done. Here is 
his confession, which carries with it a force and significance 
which we do well to note : " I became persuaded," he says, 
" that my love of mankind and of excellence for its own sake 
had worn itself out." In the moral crises of his early man- 
hood, living in an atmosphere of Atheism, chill and dreary 
as the grave, we find him turning to suicide as its natural 
resource. " I frequently asked myself, if I could, or if I was 
boimd to go on- living, when life must be passed in this man- 
ner. I generally answered to myself, that I did not think I 
could possibly bear it beyond a year," ^ 

And a fitting conclusion to one of the most disappointing 
and dreariest of Autobiographies is found in the epitaph 
which this man of worldly fame selected for his tombstone; 
viz. " Most Unhappy." 

Though the individuals who form the ranks of modern 
negation and unbelief stoutly rebel against what they are 
pleased to call the " east wind of authority," and the " sloppy 
talk of sentimentalists," they cannot but acknowledge the in- 
completeness of all their speculations and hypotheses to reach 
and cover all the great wants connected with our existence 
in the manifold stages of its wondrous development. The 
cold heights of metaphysical abstraction, the "Utopian 
dreams of socialism," and the " airy nothings " of prejudiced, 
unlicensed, and unbridled imagination, cannot meet the 
deeper wants of the human heart, or provide any substantial 
and satisfying answers to the deeper questions which have 
pressed themselves upon mankind in all ages, generations, 
and climes. 

Tyndall himself has said that " no Atheistic reasoning can 
dislodge religion from the heart of man. . . . The logical 
> AQtobiography, p. 140. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Can Secularism Do It? 341 

fcebkness of physical science is not sufficiently borne in 
mind." Again he says, " Behind and above, and around all, 
the real mystery of this universe lies unsolved, and, as far as 
we are concerned, is incapable of solution." In his first 
preface, in which he seems to g^ve expression to true and 
genuine feeling, he says : — 

" I have noticed, during years of self -observation, that it is not in 
hours of clearness and vigour that this doctrine [that of material 
Atheism] commends itself to my mind; that in the presence of 
stronger and healthier thought, it ever dissolves and disappears, as 
offering no solution of the mystery in which we dwell, and of which 
we form a part." 

Huxley, on a certain occasion, said : " Have I not given 
my testimony that the religious sentiments are the noblest 
and most humane of man's emotions?" On another occasion 
he surprised his hearers by saying, "I, individually, am no 
materialist, but, on the contrary, believe materialism to involve 
grave philosophic error." Darwin, too, acknowledged that 
the question respecting the existence of a Creator and Ruler 
of the Universe has been answered in the affirmative " by the 
highest intellects that ever lived." 

Herbert Spencer has also frankly confessed that the 
" Atheistic theory is not only absolutely unthinkable, but, even 
if it were thinkable, would offer no solution of life, and the 
universe in which that life is found." The language of George 
Holyoake, in spite of his downright unbelief, admits his 
strong yearning for another life. In one of the most touching 
passages in his writings, he speaks of his strong desire for a 
future life, in which he should again enjoy the society of his 
daughter, lost to him — according to his theory — forever. 
His words are : — 

"*My dada's coming to see me,* Madeline exclaimed on the night 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

342 Can Secularism Do It? [April, 

of her death, with that fall, pure, and thrUllng tone whidi marked 
her when In health. ' I am sure he is coming to-night, mamma ;' and 
then, remembering that that oonld not be, she said, ' Write to him, 
mamma, he will come to see me.' And these were tlie last words 
that she nttered ; and all that remains now, is the memory of tliat 
cheerless, fireless room, and the midnight reverberation of that voice 
which I would give a new world to hear again." 

" Yes," he says, " I shall be pleased to find a life after this ; 
a future life, bringing with it the admission to such com- 
panionship, would be a noble joy to contemplate." But his 
position of unbelief slays all such expectations, and shrouds 
them in tbe habiliments of a despair dark and dreary as the 
very regions of the death. 

Thomas Cooper, when his mind was under the maligfnant 
dominion of a godless infidelity, penned the following lines 
as he contemplated the gloomy land of annihilation to which 
he fancied himself moving. He exclaims : — 

"Farewell, grand sun! How my weak heart revolts 
At that appalling thought— that my last look 
At thy great light must come ! O, I could brook 
The dungeon, though eteme! the priest's own hell. 
Ay, or a thousand hells, in thought, unshook, 
Rather than nothingness ! And yet the knell, 
I fear, is near tliat sounds— To CJonsciousneas, farewell." 

The insufficiency of this merely earthly theory to accom- 
plish its oft-repeated predictions of blessing and of good is 
seen in the 



The do-nothing, and unbeneficent character of modem un- 
belief is at once suggestive of the humiliating inability of its 
principles to help forward this great, struggling, suffering, 
and needy world in which we live, move, and have our being. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Can Secularism Do It? 343 

If the brevity of man's life on earth is calculated in itself to 
move society to warm and pathetic feelings for our fellows, 
surely that class of men who are wearing the livery of un- 
belief, and are evermore proclaiming what they call the gospel 
of utilitarianism, are giving some practical expression of 
their profound human sympathies in some grand endeavor 
to heal the multitudes of the needy, and are blended in some 
far-reaching alliance whose special object is to scatter the 
rose-leaves for man's bleeding feet, and bear away the woes 
and miseries of a bruised, tear-bathed and suffering race! 

Surely that school which professes such dislike for the 
"drum ecclesiastic" is enthusiastically engaged in hushing 
"the sob, the sigh, the low-tone throbs of heart-chords 
snapping." For such efforts and institutions, however, we look 
almost in vain. The long-neglected and degraded races, form- 
ing, as they do, such a large section of the population of the 
globe, are, so far as modem unbelief is concerned, left to care 
for themselves as best they can ; and this means the perpetua- 
tion of an existence over which there reigns a worse than 
Arctic gloom, and a darkness deeper than earth's darkest 
night. For the hospitals and asylums erected by the agfnostic 
school so much affected by the fact of man's existence, and 
the teachings of a pure worldliness, we look, but, alas! we 
look in vain. Those who magnify the tenets of Secularism 
have strangely failed to provide a place where human suffer- 
ing and pain may find a friendly shelter, and a couch upon 
which it may lean its wearied form in the times of its help- 
lessness and crying need. As the ancient Greek and Roman 
worlds appear to have been utterly destitute of all institutions 
of a humane and merciful kind, where the poor and mairtied 
in life might find a place to live and die, amid the consolations 
and sympathies of their fellow-men ; so, even in this twentieth 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

344 Can Secularism Do It? [April, 

century, the worid is almost unblessed by a single institution 
constructed on materialistic principles for which so much has 
been promised, and so much has been so loudly and boasting- 
ly claimed! Confronting this "gospel of the flesh," this 
theory which ignores the Christian's faith and the Christian's 
Heaven, we may, in the language of another, interrogate it 
and see what answer it has to g^ve : — 

<< Canst thou not minister to a mind diseased, 
Pluck from the memory a rooted sorrow, 
Rase out the troubles of the brain. 
And with some sweet oblivious antidote 
Cleanse the stuffed bosom of that perilous stuff 
Which weighs upon the heart?" 

The reply of an atheistic secularism, as written in the memory 
of many of its votaries, is found in the language of a deep- 
ened sorrow, a thicker, heavier gloom, and a grim and dark 

The leaders of the diflferent departments of unbelief in the 
current age have talked about the suflferings of the un- 
fortunate and poor, and, " dressed in a little brief authority," 
have spoken, as Carlyle has said, "big, staring, empty 
words," — 

" Full of sound and fury, 
Signifying nothing." 

The reforms, beneficent chaiiges, and the present practical 
endeavors for himianity's good, inaugurated by the chiefs of 
the materialistic philosophy, are strangely absent from to- 
day's world, and in this do-nothing policy we see at once the 
impotence of those principles which characterize the schools 
now under review. 

And yet, in spite of the almost utter helplessness and in- 
dolence of modem secularism, those men keep on dreaming 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Can Secularism Do Itf 345 

about a golden age, a grand millennium, which is yet to dawn 
upon the world, and to be ushered in by the operation of those 
principles, which, after centuries of trial, have been dis- 
tinguished by failures of the most humiliating kind, and, 
instead of realizing the golden predictions uttered respecting 
them, have produced a vast harvest of results which are in 
downright antagonism to all that is elevating, progfressive, 
and pure. 

Notwithstanding all this, the advocates of the "New Re- 
ligion of Humanity *' are full of assumptions, and assure us 
all that great things are still in promise. But, as one has well 
said, the secularistic philosophy which is to harmonize all 
contradictions, change citizens into saints, create a golden 
age of peace and plenty, and make the world bright and 
blessed, is still on paper : — 

"The New Church, which shaU have no problems in its creed, no 
prejudice, no priestcraft, no corruptions, is on paper; the New 
World, which science and materialism stiall create — ^all knowledge, 
freedom, wealth, virtue and happiness — is on paper! Paper saints; 
paper resolutions ; paper paradises ; paper everything V* 

Is it not time that the keen insight and practical turn of 
this later age should at once pierce this dazzling vision, 
scatter to the winds the flowing, empty words of this utilitar- 
ian dream, and recognize the unveiled delusion of which this 
glittering mirage of skepticism is principally composed ? 


Is it not painfully suggestive of the unsoundness and 
immoral tendencies of the many forms of unbelief which are 
abroad, when the characters of the acknowledged and in- 
fluential representatives of those unchristian speculations are 
passed in review ? In controversy, as an admitted and general 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

346 Can Secularism Do Itf [April, 

rule, personality ought to have no place. Exceptional cir- 
cumstances, however, may justify a suspension of that rule. 
Such circumstances, we claim, exist in looking at the subject 
now before us. Those individuals who have been widely 
recognized as the leaders of ancient and modem doubt and 
denial may surely be supposed to illustrate, in a practical 
manner, the general tendency and results of positions and 
theories they sought to promulgate and maintain. Condillac, 
Diderot, D'Alembert, Rousseau, Voltaire, and Paine were not 
fit models after which to copy a pure and noble life. 

Hobbes, as one has said, "presents a curious mixture of 
boldness, cunning, and cowardice." This man, quoted with 
applause by the secularists of today, says : " It is lawful to 
make use of ill instrtiments to do ourselves good. If I were 
cast into a deep pit, and the devil should put down his cloven 
foot, I would take hold of it to be drawn up by it." And when 
this valorous man came, with pitiful reluctance and dismay, 
to face the inevitable, he said, " I shall be glad to find a hole 
to creep out of the world at." 

David Hume advised a skeptic to preach Christianity, and 
not to pique himself on his sincerity. He also taught that 
" there could be no evil in setting free a few ounces of a cer- 
tain red fluid called blood, when the possessor of it stood in 
the way of one's interest " ; and, further, that " adultery must 
be practiced, if men would obtain all the advantages of life, 
and that, if practiced secretly and frequently, it would cease 
to be scandalous ; and it would, by degrees, come to be thought 
no crime at all." And yet, in view of these shameful state- 
ments, this young man is held up by Professor Huxley in 
his lay sermon, on a Sunday evening, in Edinburgh, as " the 
most acute thinker of tfie Eighteenth century," and " one of 
the greatest men that Scotland has ever produced." 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Cdw Secularism Do Itf 347 

Dr. Johnson said of Bolingbroke, that he was " a scoundrel 
and a coward; that he loaded a blunderbuss against Christi- 
anity, which he had not the courage to fire during his lifetime, 
but left to a hungry Scotchman a legacy of half a crown, to 
draw the trigger after he was dead." 

Mr. Lecky, in his " Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland," 
describes the moral character of Lord Bolingbroke as follows : — 

'' He plunged with reckless Impetaosity into the life of dissipation 
that opened before him, and, in an age of libertines, was oonspicuous 
as a libertine. . . . The cliief cause of his failure was his own char- 
acter. It was the restless spirit of intrigue, which led him to plot 
against his colleague, and to enter into relations with the Pretender. 
It was the notorious dissipation of his private life, and the laxity 
of his opinions which deprived him of the confidence of his own 
party, and of that of the great majority of the English." 

Many more representative names might be easily cited, 
showing the demoralizing influence of skeptical teachings upon 
the lives and conduct of those who have placed themselves 
under their dominion and power. And the melancholy hope- 
lessness and gloomy outlook as to the future, and the sad 
undertone of sorrow permeating much of the agnostic litera- 
ture of the time, carries with it a painful sigfnificance and 
tmconscious confession of its impotence in the affairs of the 
world. In making this personal attack, we do not wish, for 
a njcttnent, to keep out of sight the inconsistencies and moral 
failings of many who have professed the Qiristian faith. All 
that can be fairly said with reference to the msoral failures of 
many Christian men and women, we frankly acknowledge. 
But the diflference between Christianity and modern unbelief, 
in reference to the immoralities practised under their names, 
is as wide as the poles asunder. In no system under heaven 
can we find such condemnations of wrong-doing, hypocrisies, 
and crimes as Christianity presents ; so that, in the very faith 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

348 Can Secularism Do It? [April, 

he professes, the Christian meets with no palliation for his 
sin, but his inconsistencies and iniquities are in direct and 
shameful contradiction to his professed beliefs, and against 
the vehement protests and infinite displeasure of Christianity 
itself. Now the exact contrary, as to morals, may logically 
and consistently be the case with a thorough believer in what 
is commonly known as materialism. 

Given a man who rejects all ideas which Christians attach 
to such words as " God " and " Spirit " ; who believes that, 
so far as his own existence is concerned, there is no world 
but the present; that there is neither life nor judgment after 
physical dissolution; that our relation to the universe is ex- 
hausted by our present sensation and consciousness, — let him 
believe these things without a doubt, and commit himself to 
them without a fear, and the difficulty which other men 
would feel under certain moral conditions vanishes, and it is 
easy to see that such opinions must result in precisely the 
conduct which has characterized the majority of the 
champions of skepticism, and of the multitudes who have sur- 
rendered themselves to their pernicious influence and degrad- 
ing power. 

The plain result is, that, whilst the materialist may be a 
bad man, without violating his strictly materialistic doctrines, 
whilst the Christian professor is bound, by every principle of 
his faith, to be consistent, pure, and beneficent, and to be all 
this continually, no matter how unkindly the circumstances 
may be, be is to despise shame and persecution, and, if need 
be, to sacrifice his life for his moral and spiritual convictions. 

"The conclusion," as a distinguished writer has said, "is 
that no doctrine can be morally good which ignores morals, 
and no doctrine that ignores morals can be supported by 
men who are morally good." 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Can Secularism Do It? 349 


Not only does the theory of a worldly life utterly fail to 
accomplish the beneficent results of which some prominent 
skeptics have dreamed; not only have these purely earthly 
considerations and speculations demonstrated their impotence 
and immoral tendencies in the lives and conduct of those who 
have been the public representatives and champions, but on 
the broadest scale such teachings which ignore the future 
life and the authority of the Christian revelation have proved 
destructive of all those elements which make for the peace, 
prosperity, and well-being of the individual, society, and the 

When a certain class of men have declared that the " great 
Companion is dead," that the Christian heaven is only a 
myth, and a future life an empty dream; and would confine 
man's attention only to time, and teach constantly that in this 
world alone we have the genesis and the utter consummation 
of our existence, we can readily imagine what effect such 
teachings would have on the common, practical life of man- 
kind when generally and thoroughly received. 

If the theory of George Eliot and many others were true, 
that the pathos of a brief mortality is more calculated to move 
the sympathies of human hearts than the teachings of the 
Christian revelation respecting a future life or world, then, 
in this case, one of the tenderest periods of human history 
should have been the period of the French Revolution, when 
death was voted an "eternal sleep." Was human life then 
regarded with the deep, broad sympathy, when religion was 
publicly ridiculed, and the principles of the most unblushing 
and reckless infidelity obtained a national support? Was 
man's life then regarded with universal feelings of sanctity, 
when each morning furnished its new supply of victims for 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

350 Can Secularism Do Itf [April, 

the guillotine, and the "red rain" of human blood fell in 
showers all over that fair and simny land? Whatever this 
theory might do in a world altogether diflFerently constituted 
from the one in which we live, it is not ours to judge; but 
when confronted by the conditions and actualities which dis- 
tinguish our present abode, it breaks down in a manner the 
most absolute and complete. The story of all unchristian 
ages and nations is on this very point one of cruelty, sadness, 
and woe. The records are crimsoned with human blood and 
atrocities, which make one shudder as we read. The Greeks 
and Romans and the nations of antiquity traded in human 
life as if it was nothing more than so much blood and bone, 
and its value was decided by the price it would bring at the 
public mart. Thousands were cruelly murdered and slain, 
merely to gratify an emperor's whim or furnish amusement 
" for a Roman holiday." 

It would not be difficult to fill up pages of horrors which 
are sickening to contemplate, but which, almost without ex- 
ception, have marked the career or history of those peoirfes 
who have been uninfluenced by the teachings of the Christian 

And yet, in full view of all those facts, which cannot be 
disputed, we are told by the apostles of materialism that 
human life will retain its worth undiminished; that it will 
lose none of its dignity, its higher aspirations, its beauty, or 
its poetry, when recognized to be wholly of the earth earthy. 
We are convinced this position is capable of a refutation of 
the most conclusive and overwhelming kind. The facts of 
ancient and modem history are utterly opposed to such a state- 
ment and cannot bear the investigation of intelligent and un- 
prejudiced minds. 

The language of Prince Bismarck on this subject is timely 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] ' Can Secularism Do It? 351 

and to the point; he will not be suspected of any sickly 
idealism or mawkish sentimentality of any kind : " It is in- 
comprehensible to me," says the German Chancellor, in a 
letter to his wife, ** how any human being, who thinks about 
himself at all, and who is ignorant or chooses to remain 
ignorant of God, can live under his load of self-contempt and 
ennui. ... If I had to live now as I did then ... I really 
do not know why I should not throw off this life like a dirty 
shirt." And as one has remarked, this was written by him in 
the prime of life, with every affection gratified, with the mag- 
nificent career he has since run opening unclouded before 
him; and he specially begs his wife, to whom the letter 
was addressed, not to suppose it written in a particularly dark 
mood, but that on the contrary, his health and spirits are 
good. Writing to his wife ten years later^ and speaking of the 
brevity of life, even in the happiest case, and when prolonged 
to its fullest space, he says : " It would not be worth while 
to dress and undress if it were over with that." 

" What poetry," asks one, " what art, what morality will long sur- 
vive under the belief that man is only an earthworm of more differ- 
entiated protoplasm ; his love and faith but atomic currents of the 
brain, or may be, as the EYench philosopher asserts, of the smaller 
intestines, and the power mling all, not a €k>d and Father, but a 
ponderous mill-wheel of perpetual motion, lower than himself in 
that it has not even a brain?*' 

If man is nothing more than the " apex of a pyramid " 
whose base is a worm; if he is but the outcome of blind, 
mechanical, physical force, and the helpless irresponsible vic- 
tim of a cruel, iron necessity, then does he sink to a level with 
the animal creature around him, and such a thing as a noble, 
glorious freedom becomes an impossibility. To baptize him 
with high-sounding titles, if such teachings are true, is only 
a mockery of the crudest kind. If his genesis is in some 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

352 Can Secularism Do It? [April, 

far-off zoological garden, we may call him a " splendid 
animal," " the glorification of the brute," " the apocalypse of 
the beast," or the " crown and glory of the uiverse " ; but all 
this would be but a poor compensation for those royal char- 
acteristics and legacies which our would-be teachers are 
willing to bury in the dust. When man's robe of dignity is 
torn into shreds, and the crown of immortality is snatched 
from his brow and dashed into ruins, and the theory of a 
brief animalism, or at best a "book-shelf immortality," is 
substituted in their stead, we can at once see that the effect of 
such a system could not but be of the most humiliating and 
degrading kind. Man's future becomes a thing of sadness 
and of gloom ; the true " center of man's gravity " is no 
longer the larger world beyond, but the physical and bodily 
gratifications which the present scene may possibly supply; 
around his life is flung the " crape of a creedless gloom," and 
around his grave the darkness of a sad despair, with no hope 
that the eastern sky will ever redden with the fair promise of 
a resurrection morn. The important matter of human re- 
sponsibility fares no better under teachings such as we are 
now reviewing. The solemn facts of man's moral freedom, 
and consequent accountability, are practically ignored, for he 
is declared to be the victim of his surroundings, and the 
distinctions between right and wrong are set aside, or 
divested of whatever force and authority they may now 
possess. No higher law than a mere human expediency is 
recognized, and all the motives, actions, and authorities by 
which men are to be moved and guided, are confined to the 
narrow arena of time, in which, for a while, they are found. 
By this theory of a mere earthly life, in which we are told 
the utmost possibilities of our existence are reached, the most 
cherished anticipations of the race, embraced by the noblest 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Cm Secularism Do Iff 353 

of otir kind, and clung to in millions of instances at great 
sacrifice and under life's most sorrowful and painful circum- 
stances, are struck down into the ruin and desolaticm of an un- 
ending night. Tell us no longer of man's dignity and glory, but 
point him out to all coming time as the only bimgle in 
creation and the very scandal of the universe itself. This 
utter debasement of htmianity and this squandering of the 
" crown rights " of mankind are well illustrated by the stwy 
which one of the historians tells of a tame eagle he once saw 
in a butcher's shop. The royal bird, he says, " had forgotten 
the plains of heaven, the glories of sun and sea, and sky and 
storm; its plumes draggled in the ashes; and its eyes, once 
bathed with the light of noon, now twinkled in the kitchen 
fire." Sir I. F. Stephens, in "Liberty, Equality, and Fra- 
ternity," ha» truly said, " that the facts of human life are the 
same on any hypothesis. A belief in G6d, and a future 
state, is the only faith which scatters any rays of light over 
the otherwise dark sea on which we are sailing." 

But the results of this materialistic teaching on public and 
individual morality, if widely accepted, could not fail to be of 
the most serious and alarming character. When the only 
authoritative and acknowledged standard of morals in the 
world is repudiated and declared to be without foundation, 
we can at once intagifte what flood-tides of iniquity would 
deluge society if this standard was cancelled or set aside. 
The screws of ntan's moral nature are loosened; the gambling 
spirit in man, which makes him ready to toss up for his 
chancf! and to believe that somethitig godd will happen, is en- 
couraged, and, in ten thousand instances, men under the 
influence of Atheism have pawned away the costly possessions 
of being for a momentary gratification, and ha^^ dug graves 
in which their once cherished hopes have been buried. Strike 
Vol. LXV. No. 268. 11 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

354 Can Secularism Do Iff [April, 

from the great common mind the motives and restraints which 
our divine and supernatural religion presents; and vital 
principles which hold millions within the bounds of a moral 
respectability would be cancelled, and the onroUing floods of 
vice and iniquity would spread themselves far and wide. 

The most recent, and in some respects the most striking, 
confirmation of the positions which this article is seeking to 
enforce is that which is found in the IVaU Street Journal of 
New York, which aM)eared in the issue for January of the 
present year. This very remarkable and significant editorial, 
imder the caption "Is There a Decline in Faith?" awakened 
such general and eager interest that this particular issue was 
soon exhausted and the management of the paper had the 
editorial copied from the files to meet the urgent demands. If 
so reputable a journal, devoted (as it claims) wholly to the 
discussion of financial and economical conditions, problems, 
and interests, is thus concerned for the preservation of the 
Christian faith in its purity as the foundation and safeguard 
of the business of the country, how sensitive should be the 
concern of those directly responsible in a matter so vital and 
so wide-reaching in its influence and power? As the article is 
of exceptional value, we give it in full. 

'' He who believes in a future life is a citizen of two worlds. He 
moves in this, but his highest thought and inspiration are fixed on 
the fhture. To such a person, what takes place here and now is not 
unimportant, but it is infinitely less important than what shall take 
place hereafter. He looks upon his life here as but a preparation for 
the life to come. His experiences here, whether of Joy or of sorrow, 
are of value to him only as they enable him the better to meet the 
everlasting demands of the life after death. He is not indifferent to 
the rewards which may come in this world to industry, endeavor and 
opportunity, but failure, illness, poverty, abuse — ^what do these 
amount to, to a mdn who believes he is to enjoy the sublime privi- 
leges of eternity? He measures everything by the infinite. Wealth, 
luxury, power, distinction — he may not despise these, but he looks 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Can Secularism Do Iff 355 

upon them as being but temporary, mere delights that are given as 
tests of his character. 

** Faith in eternal life smooths out every inequality and injustice 
of the present life under the great weight of the infinite. It malies 
the poor feel rich, and gives to the unfortunate a sense of heirship 
to the Almighty. It malces the rich feel a sense of grave responsi- 
bility and trusteeship. 

'* Now it is not needful for this discussion to consider whether such 
faith is reasonable or not The Wall Street Journal has no concern 
with theological discussions. It takes no part for or against any 
creed, but it is intensely interested in the economic and political 
effects of any change in the thought, the habits, and the lives of 
men. If there has been a marked decline in religious faith, that fact 
must be of profound, far-reaching significance. It alters the basic 
conditions of civilization. It becomes a factor in the markets. It 
changes the standards and affects the values of things which are 
bought and sold. It concerns the immediate interests of those who 
never had such a faith almost as much as it does the lives of those 
who have had the faith and lost it 

"The question, therefore, is of practical, immediate, and tremen- 
dous importance to Wall Street, quite as much as any other part of 
the world. Has there been a decline in the faith in the future life, 
and if so, to what extent la this responsible for the special phenom- 
ena of our time, the eager pursuit of sudden wealth, the shameless 
luxury and display, the gross and corrupting extravagance, the mis- 
use of 'swollen fortunes,' the indifference to law, the growth of 
graft, the abuses of great corporate power, the social unrest, the 
spread of demagogy, the advances of socialism, the appeals to bitter 
class hatred? To find out what connection exists between a deca- 
dence in religious faith and the social unrest of our time, due, on 
one side, to oppressive use of financial power, and on the other, to 
class agitation, might well be worth an Investigation by Government 
experts, if it were possible for the Government to enter into such 
an undertaking. 

'' Whatever may be a man's own personal beliefs, there is no one 
who would not prefer to do business with a person who really be- 
lieves in a future life. If there are fewer men of such faith in the 
world, it makes a big difference, and if faith is to continue to decliue, 
this will require new adjustments. There are certainly, on the sur- 
face, many signs of such a decline. Perhaps, if it were possible to 
probe deeply into the subject, it might be found that faith still 
abounded, but it is no longer expressed in the old way. But we are 
obliged to acc^t the surface indications. These include a falling 
off in church attendance, the abandonment of family worship, the 
giving over of Sunday, more and more, to pleasure and labor, the 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

350 Can Secularism Do Iff [April, 

separation of rellgioiifl from secular edocatlon, under tbe stem de- 
mands of non-sectarianism, tlie growing up of a generation unin- 
structed as our fatliers were in the studj of the Bible, the secular- 
isation of a portion of the church Itself, and Its inability In a large 
way to gain the confidence of the laboring people. If these are really 
signs of a decay of religious faith, then indeed there is no more im- 
portant problem before us than that of either discovering some 
adequate substitute for faith, or to take immediate steps to dieck 
a development that has within it the seeds of a national disaster.** 

Dr. J. W. Draper, of New York University, in the Prince- 
ton Review, for 1877, has set forth the political eflFects which 
the decline of faith in Continental Europe has brought about. 
He says: — 

"Whence comes that black thunder cloud, Nihilism, now lowering 
over Eastern Europe? The most de^wtic of all civilized govern- 
ments looks on with alarm. Whence comes that blood-red spectre, 
Communism, threatening Western Europe? In France they have 
had experience of what it would do. And Socialism in Central Eu- 
rope ! If it cannot have its way, it threatens revolution, civil war.'* 

And it is a matter of undisputed history, that unchristian and 
unbelieving nations have always furnished the world with 
their " programs of misery and of blood." 

And with the eclipse of faith, our noblest conceptions of 
the world we live in, of the Maker of that world, and of the 
human life are all slain and buried in one dreary grave. We 
are left to listen to the " dry, dead clatter of the universal 
machinery" around us, and it stands before us more like 
some huge and mighty skeleton than anything else. 

** Th0 magnificent drama of human life sinks into a puppet-show, 
without even a showman. We find ourselves drifUng in piteous hn- 
potency over the stonny sea of time, mastless, diartless, sailless, 
we are driven along; man becomes a bundle of miserable contradic- 
tions; the world one gigantic paradox; the history of the race a 
confused and lne:^ioable c(Miflict and struggle ; life a tnmMed and 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Can Secularism Do Iff 357 

feverish dream; the world beyond a vague and dreadful fear; we 
are left to wander over a godless earth, and nothing seems real, even 

"*The pillared firmament is rottenness 
And earth's base is built of stubble.' ** 

In conclusion, we adopt the remarks of a writer in the 
Modern Review, for October, 1881. This writer says : — 

"There is abundant evidence to prove that however lamentably 
religion may have failed to raise human conduct to its ideal stand- 
ard of morality, the absence of religion, where it has been general 
in any society, has been accompanied by a fearful increase of immor- 
ality. Witness the morals of the later Boman Empire, of Italy, un- 
der the first pagan Influence of the Renaissance ; of France, during 
the last half of the eighteenth century. Witness the doctrines of the 
Is'ihilists, and of all the extreme Socialists, who would abolish the 
family, property, and social organizations, together with God, and 
with unconscious logic, call for absolute lawlessness as the only 
complete expression of Atheistic liberty." 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

358 False Biology and Fatalism. [April, 




Herbert Spencer rests his denial of the freedom of the 
human will on the biological assumption that all vital activi- 
ties are predetermined by activities in the environment.* In 
his " Principles of Biology," sections 169 and 170, we read : 
"At first, changes in the amounts and combinations of ex- 
ternal inorganic forces, astronomic, geologic, and meteoro- 
logic were the only causes of the successive changes under- 
gone by organisms. In time, however, the action of organisms 
on one another became new sources of organic modifications." 
And again: "That there may be continuous changes in or- 
ganism, there must be continuous changes in incident forces." 

It is evident that if our natural powers and our present 
conditions are so determined by the environment that we can 
produce but one set of actions, then no effort on our part, 
either individual or collective, can in the least affect the re- 
sult; for we cannot change our circumstances without acting, 
and our actions are already determined by our circumstances. 

We now raise the question, whether the assumption on 
which Herbert Spencer founds his philosophy, and which has 
been accepted without question by many biologists, is in 
accord with the facts of biology. 

^Reprinted from the Friend (Honolulu, T. H.), June and Aag:ust, 

* Principles of Psychology, sect 220. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] False Biology and Fatalism. 369 

Is it true that change in the character of the selection affect- 
ing any organic group is wholly determined by change in the 
activities surrounding the group? Or can change in the 
selection be initiated and maintained through change in the 
organism, without any change in the etwironment? 

External nature furnishes the means and the loccasions but 
not the cause. Can anything be surer than that through the 
activities of the organism changes in its relations to the en- 
vironment are often produced; and that through these 
changes the character of its survival is changed, and so the 
character of its selection? It is by virtue of its power to 
strive for the continuance of its life that an organism is an 
organism ; and selection is the direct result of varying degrees 
of survival in the exercise of this power. We see, therefore, 
that the doctrine, common amongst a certain class of evolu- 
tionists, that the environment makes the organism, rests on a 
false assumption. One cause of this assumption has been 
the habit of speaking of the transforming power of selection 
as if it were quite distinct from the power of variation ; where- 
as the diversity of survival, which is diversity of selection, 
is the direct result of the varying adaptation of the organism. 
The transforming power of selection is the direct result of 
variation and heredity, with the elimination of the less fit. 

If we wish to draw a true parallel between Natural Selec- 
tion and Artificial (or rational) Selection, we must consider 
both wild and domestic creatures as gaining opportunity for 
propagation by adapting themselves to the environment, the 
one class varying so as to be the best able to perpetuate its 
kind in the struggle for life among irrational creatures that 
are the environment, and the other class varying so as to be 
the most pleasing to man, and through his care and protection 
gaining a chance to live and propagate. The one class adapt 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

360 Ptdse Biology and Fatalism. [April, 

themselves to the natural (or irrational) environment, the 
other to the rational environment. In either case change in the 
character of the selection may be prodticed through change in 
the organism^ without any change in the environment, 

I will now refer to cases that illustrate and prove this 

It should be noted that Natural Selection and Sexual 
Selection — ^the two forms of selection discussed by Darwin — 
belong to widely different spheres of action, and, as I have 
elsewhere shown, there are other forms of selection of equal 
importance with these, arising in each of these spheres. 
Natural Selection is one form of Environal Selection, the 
changes of which are determined by changes in the natural 
environment. Another form of Environal Selection is Arti- 
ficial Selection, the changes of which are determined by 
changes in the rational environment surrounding the species. 
A third form of Environal Selection is what I have called 
Endonomic Selection, diverse forms of which are determined 
by different methods of using the same environment adopted 
by isolated branches of the same species. 

The valleys of Manoa and Nuuanu, on the island of Oahu, 
near Honolulu, though only about three miles apart, present 
a greater difference in vegetation than that found between 
Manoa and Kawailoa (in the district of Waialua), which are 
twenty miles apart ; but the divergence in the species of snails 
of the genus Achatinella occupying these valleys varies ac- 
cording to the number of ridges by which they are separated, 
and not according to the conditions to which they are exposed. 
The largest species of the genus are found in the adjoining 
valleys of Manoa and Makiki clinging to the trunks of the 
ohia and kukui trees while their nearest of kin in Waialua are 
much smaller, are of different forms and colors, and have 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1906.] Fdse Biology and Fatdism. 861 

deserted the trunks of the larger trees to Kvc on the lobelia 
and other shrubs. ' 

Several species of birds found in North America have 
changed, or are now in the process of changing, their relations 
to the environment in such a way as to introduce themselves 
to new forms of selection. One is the cliff swallow, which, 
instead of plastering its nest against the roof of a cave or 
hole in a cliff, attaches it to the overhanging eaves of a house. 
Anodier is the chimney swift. We know that before the 
coming of Europeans these birds chose hollow trees as the 
appropriate places for their nests, but now most of the species 
have deserted the hollow trees, and established themselves in 
the chimneys. 

The influence of haUts in determining new relaticms to the 
environment is well illustrated by a colony of cats on Tarpon 
Island, near the mouth of the Mississippi River. One of the 
most decided instincts of the ordinary cat is to avoid im- 
mersion in water or any other liquid. He dislikes to wet 
even his feet ; but there may arise conditions under which he 
will use his paws in drawing food out of the water. More 
than one has learned to help himself to cream placed in an 
open jar, by thrusting his paw into the liquid and then licRing 
off what adheres. Some have learned to skim pans of milk 
in a similar way, and others have become adepts in fishing 
for gold fish kept in glass globes. These undoubted examples 
of the partial overcoming of their natural aversion make it 
easier to believe the account given by the New Orleans Times- 
Democrat concerning the Tarpon Island cats. Their separa- 
tion from other families of cats has allowed of their establish- 
ing their hatnts of feeding on entirely new lines of tradition, 
for they all wade freely in the shallow waters of the beach 
hunting for small fish, and three or four of the bolder ones 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

362 False Biology and Fatalism, [April, 

swim off to oyster boats lying at anchor near by. This is an 
example of an innovation becoming a permanent halntude; 
and, as Captain Bosco, who owns these cats, says it is many 
years since they began to go into the water, we have reason 
to believe that a coincident form of Endonomic Sdection has 
begun to produce a breed whose innate instincts are better 
adapted to this mode of life than were those of the original 

Returning to Sexual Selection, we find that it is one of 
several forms of selection arising from the relations in which 
the members of the same species stand to each other and 
which may, therefore, be classed as forms of Reflexive Selec- 
tion. Sexual Selection secures between the sexual instincts 
of one sex and the instincts and characters of the other sex 
such harmony as is necessary for the sexual propagation of 
the group. Social Selection maintains such social instincts 
and related characters as are necessary for the prosperity of 
the group. Social habits in a great measure determine the 
food and clothing of a community, and thus deeply affect the 
conditions of survival. The degfree of exposure to which the 
young are habitually subjected is also largely determined by 
social custom, and so the innate endowments of those that 
survive. In many beasts and birds recognition marks are of 
great importance; and the disadvantage coming to those 
deficient in these characters results in Social Selection. 

A third form of Reflexive Selection is what I have called 
FiliO'Parental Selection, which maintains coordination be- 
tween the powers and characters of parents, and the size, 
number, form, and instincts of the young. How the power 
of giving suck and the corresponding instinct for sucking 
were first develcq)ed it may be impossible to tell; but it is 
evident that, having once been established as the method of 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] False Biology and Fatalism. 363 

sustentation for the young of mairmials, any mother lacking 
the power of giving suck, and any young lacking the instinct 
for sucking, would in all probability fail of leaving descent. 
The death at birth of children with excessively large heads, as 
also the failure of a mother with a contracted pelvis to pro- 
duce living children, are examples of filio-parental selection. 

There are several other forms of Reflexive Selection, but 
the only one that we can take time to consider is Institutional 
Selection. Institutional Selection is due to the Suppression of 
human reproduction in certain cases, and the favoring of it 
in other cases, by means of ecclesiastical, military, commercial, 
sanitary, and penal institutions. It is of g^eat interest to the 
student of social problems, for it shows how even the in- 
herited powers of the civilized races of mankind are being 
constantly molded by their institutions, and the forms of 
social organization that prevail. 

In all divergent evolution of racial characters, seg^egfate 
generation (that is, the generation of like with like) has been 
a fundamental condition. It is also at present a fundamental 
condition in the very structure of the organic world ; for with- 
out Segregate Generation, races, species, genera, and the 
higher groups could not continue to exist : even if they were 
independently created. 

In every case where a sexually propagating species becomes 
divided into several distinct races, we find isolation (i. e. the 
prevention of free crossing) between the races, with inter- 
generation within each race, and each race showing separate 
powers of variation and heredity. This initial segregation 
having once been established, intensive segregation is sure to 
be introduced and carried forward from generation to genera- 
tion, even when the conditions lying outside of each group are 
the same ; for the isolated groups will in time adopt diflferent 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

364 Fal^e Biology and Fatalism. [April, 

methods of using the enviromnent, aod so subject themselves 
to different forms of selectioo. Divergent forms of Reflexive 
Selection will also arise bringing intensified segregation and 
increasing divergence in the characters of each group. 

We will now briefly consider the evolution of acquked 
characters; and, for the sake of brevity, I will at the same 
time refer to some oi the ways in which these acquired 
characters, with their organized habitudes and customs, be- 
come controlling factors in the racial evolution of the same 
groups. But, that there may be no misapprehension, I wish 
to have it carefully noted that the influence of acquired 
characters which I am here considering is entirely independ- 
ent of any direct modification of inheritance in the young 
through acquired characters gained by the continued practice 
of the parents. Whether there is any such direct influence 
has long been discussed, and the prevailing opinion is that it 
has been disproved; but, whatever the truth on that point may 
be, the influence of acquired characters, through their control 
of the forms of selection, must be recognized as of com- 
manding importance in many of the higher animals and 
especially in man. This influence operates: (1) by partially 
setting aside a form of selection; ()&) by wholly setting aside 
some form of selection; or (3) by establishing a new form. 
Acquired characters by partially setting aside a form of selec- 
tion arising from changes that would otherwise limit the 
range of the species, may give time for many generations to 
arise with successive variations that in their turn more or 
less fully meet the new conditions, and thus lead to a new 
form of Natural SekcticMi, and the establishing of a new race. 

As an illustration let us consider the case of the Eskimo 
race of the Arctic regions. If we could follow their ancestry 
back to remote ages, there is every reason to believe that we 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908,] False Biology and Fatalism 8«5 

should find a stage in which they were naked savages, living 
in a warm climate, with but little knowledge of houses, cloth- 
ing, or fire. It may be a matter of debate whether they 
reached the northern regions in a period when the climate was 
a continuous sunmier, or whether their approach required an 
increasing fight with cold weather as they went north; but, 
in either case, they could not have established themselves in 
these regions where they now are, without the several arts by 
which man protects himself frcHn the cold. It is therefore 
evident that these arts were part of the equipment that has 
enabled them to remain for countless generations in these cold 
repons, till their inherited constitution has become very 
different from that of tropical man, F. A. Cook, ethnologist 
of the first Peary North Greenland Expedition, writing of 
the Eskimo, states that "the muscular outlines of the body 
are nearly obliterated from the fact that they have immediate- 
ly beneath the skin a layer of blubber, or areolar tissue, which 
protects them against extreme cold." ^ 

We find that accommodation with habitudinal segregation 
fills a sphere of importance in the evolution of animals accord- 
ing to the degree of their mental endowments. In studying 
the evolution of the higher animals it is, therefore, necessary 
to consider the molding of accommodations by election as 
well as the molding of adaptations by selection. 

In the case of the Eskimo we have an illustration of the 
setting aside, or prevention, of Natural Selection sufficient to 
preserve the group from destruction; for Natural Selection 
in such a case is the elimination of the unfit, and as none were 
capable of surviving without the aid of clothing and houses, 
Natural Selection unchecked by these arts would have been 
the elimination of all. The prevention of Natural Selection 

> <}iioted In WrigEt and Upham's Gireenland tceflelds, p. 136. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

366 False Biology and Fatalism. [April, 

was, however, not complete ; and in the end we find a race of 
men with innate characters protecting them in a considerable 
degree from the destructive effects of the low temperature. 

Let us now consider cases in which Natural Selection in 
regard to certain endowments has been entirely set aside by 
acquired characters; and other cases in which new forms of 
selection have, at the same time, been introduced. From the 
time of the earliest mammals till very recent times every 
mammalian mother that failed to give milk to her young also 
failed of raising her young, and the propagation of a stock 
seriously deficient in this respect was prevented by Filio- 
parental Selection. Amongst human mothers there are, how- 
ever, a few who are deficient in the power of giving suck, 
and, in civilized races, the provision for the young of such 
mothers is so complete that they are placed at no disadvantage. 
There is, therefore, reason to believe that the power of 
mothers to give suck is being gradually diminished by the 
setting aside of this long-established form of Filio-parental 
Selection. We may even begin to wonder whether this is not 
the first step toward the production of a variety of the human 
species in which this power will be comparatively obsolete. 

Another example of a similar kind is the deterioration of 
the power of sight in the more civilized races of man. I be- 
lieve it is fully recognized that the proportion of individuals 
with defective sight is much greater in civilized than in 
savage races. 

Is there any reason to doubt that the diflference is due to 
the fact, that, for many generations, savages with deficient 
sight have had less opportunity for leaving descendants, than 
have individuals with the sftme deficiency belonging to 
civilized races? 

Degeneration of important powers has also occurred in 
many animals that have become parasitic, or have learned to 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] False Biology afid Fatalism. 367 

shift the responsibility of raising their young onto other 
species. The old-world cuckoo has entirely lost the instincts 
that would lead it to build its own nests and hatch its own 
eggs. In the eastern part of the United States of America the 
black-billed cuckoo and the yellow-billed cuckoo have started 
on a course that will probably lead to the extinction of both 
species, unless they succeed in finding some alien species on 
which the labor of raising their young may be imposed. There 
are now shirking individuals who lay their eggs in the nests 
of other birds, either of their own species or of the allied 
species, and thus the instinct for faithful service is being 
lowered from generation to generation. 

When public attention has been turned to the danger of 
degeneration that threatens mankind through the setting aside 
of certain forms of long-established selection, the remedy will 
not be found in restoring the conditions of savage life, in 
which the deaf and the blind are eliminated by starvation; 
but rather by establishing new forms of institutional and pru- 
dential selection. The marriage of those who are specially 
liable to have defective offspring may thus be prevented.^ 

The illustrations I have presented, show conclusively that 

in many ways old forms of selection may be set aside and 

new forms introduced, without reference to any change in the 

activities outside of the species. If even the snails are capable 

of dealing with the same environment in different ways, how 

much more may we expect of mankind? The voices of 

science, of philosophy, and of religion, appeal to us both as 

individuals and as communities, saying, in the words of Paul, 

" Work out your own salvation with fear and trembling ; for 

it is God that worketh in you." 

*The Influence of acquired habits on the inherited characters of a 
group Is fully discussed in my work on " Evolution, Racial and Ha- 
bitudinal," published by the Carnegie Institute of Washington. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

368 Notes. [April, 




The eccentric W. H. H. Murray once forcibly remarked 
that " if the good people were removed out of any great city 
it would leave hell; whereas, were the bad to be removed 
and the good left, the result would be heaven." All large 
cities afford the conditions which most severely test human 
character and develop the extremes both of evil and of good. 
London, being the largest city in the world, and especially in 
the Christian world, illustrates this truth in extreme degree. 

The slums of London are not by any means confined to the 
East End. One has to go but a little way from any of the 
fashionable streets to find a congested population living on the 
very border of despair. The extent of poverty in London is be- 
yond comprehension; and it does not grow less in times of 
business prosperity. While the last five years have seen an un- 
precedented boom in British export trade, they have also 
witnessed an unprecedented growth of pauperism in London. 
According to the returns just issued by the Local Govern- 
ment Board, it appears that there were 3,000 more paupers 
at the end of 1907 than there were one year before, while 
46,000 more had been in receipt of relief at the beginning of 
this winter than had demanded help one year ago. The total 
number receiving temporary help at the opening of this winter 
was 800,101. The Jotal amount expended by the City for the 
relief of the poor during the last half year, aside from that 
furnished by private charity, amounted to $3,825)000. 

According to statistics carefully gathered, two^thirds of this 
poverty is directly traceable to the use of alcoholic beverages, 
which nearly every grocer sells freely in sealed packages. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notes. 369 

A large number of the sub-post-offices are located in such 
groceries. Saloons (or " public houses " as they are called in 
England) abound in every part of the city, and are patron- 
ized by men, women, and children. According to a dis- 
course preached in one of the most fashionable and largely 
attended churches of the established order, it had been 
ascertained that two public houses near by were visited 
between 4 p.m. and 11 p.m., the previous Saturday, by a crowd 
of men, women, and children numbering 1,900, of whom 600 
were children. Nothing in Lx>ndon oppresses an American 
more sadly than to see the numbers of poor women who open- 
ly patronize the saloons. Upon the opening of the bars in 
the morning, dozens of women may be seen waiting to be 
served; and at almost any time of day women with children 
in arms may be seen going in and out of these demoralizing 
centers of influence. 

At the same time it should be said that every form of 
activity tending to promote temperance is in operation in the 
City and throughout the Kingdom, and is supported by the 
adherents of all religious denominations. As a consequence 
of this work it is generally believed that there has been a gfreat 
improvement among the middle classes. But such legal 
methods for restricting the sale of alcoholic beverages as are 
effectually used in the United States are practically unknown 
in England. The public houses of the Kingdom are regarded 
as having a vested right in the profits derived from their 
licensed privilege to sell, so that it is thought that if the 
privilege were taken away, the proprietors could claim from 
the State an indemnity for their loss. Moreover, drinks are 
generally served in the public houses by barmaids — a custom 
which is pretty generally supposed to be demoralizing in its 
tendency. But every effort to change this custom is met by 
a great outcry against the hardship of depriving 100,000 
barmaids of the only means of subsistence in which they have 
been trained to earn their livelihood. 

The extent to which the liquor traffic is imbedded in the 
financial interests of the country was strikingly exemplified 
Vol. LXV. No. 258. 12 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

370 Notes. [A^ml, 

in the effect of the Ministerial bill just presented for the fur- 
ther regulation and diminution of puWic houses. The bill 
proposes to reduce the niunber of licensed houses by 30,000 
in fourteen years. On the day following the introduction of 
this bill, the market* value of stocks secured by the liquor 
traffic shrank $160,000,000, and well nigh produced a finan- 
cial panic. 

A bill is now before Parliament to grant "local option" 
to wards and municipalities in the matter of licensing saloons. 
But the English Government is so much more centralized than 
our own, that it will probably be some time before public 
sentiment will be educated up to the point of passing such a 
measure. The doctrine of States' rights in America and the 
traditional authority of the New England "town-meeting" 
have familiarized the citizens of the United States with the 
principle of local option in general, so that its application in 
restraint of the use of strong drink does not seem strange. 
In England, moreover, the principle seems, as yet, subversive 
of good order and hazardous to the rights of the individual 
who chances to be unpopular in his own community. Never- 
theless, a modified acceptance of the principle seems to be but 
a question of time. Among others who have petiticmed for 
the passage of the present bill are 1,900 of the clerg^ymen of 
the Church of England. 

If London is full of intemperance and poverty, it is also 
full of instituticHis endeavoring to counteract these evils. 
Hospitals, orphanages, settlements, and missions are found in 
all parts of the City, and none of them fail of receiving liberal 
support. The late Lord Mayor signalized his retirement from 
office by raising $1,000,000 to equip a hospital for crippled 
children. Sums poured in from rich and poor alike until con- 
siderably more was received than he had asked for. There are 
hospitals for every class of pati-efnts and for all classes. 

General Booth of the Salvation Army is one of the " lions " 
of the Kingdom. Oxford confers upon him a degree. When 
he is ill in America the papers of all classes note with g^eat 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notes. 371 

minuteness the stages of his recovery to health. In short, he 
is the kind of man that the King delights to honor. His 
efforts to induce the poor of the cities to go out and live upon 
small headings in the country are measurably successful, and 
are regarded as worthy of imitation by Parliament itself. 
Through his efforts large numbers have been helped to find 
homes in Canada. The drawback is, that only the best and 
most vigOTOus of London's poor can be drawn into the 
country, or will be allowed to enter Canada, and so some of 
the worst aspects of London's poverty are intensified by these 
laudable efforts towards relief. 

But the Salvation Army is by no means the chief instru- 
mentality at work for the relief of poverty and the preventicm 
of vice in London. There are " settlements " without number 
where cultivated men and women are living in close contact 
with the unfortunate classes and exemplifying in their lives 
and in all their efforts the Christian spirit in the most effective 
manner. We have heard so much of Toynbee Hall that many 
have been led to suppose that that was the chief, if not the 
only, work of its sort. But the Oxford Settlement in Bethnal 
Green is far larger. In that section of the city thirty Oxford 
students are in continual residence, maintaining at seven 
different centers work for the poorer classes, of the most 
effective kind ; while in the same district an equal number of 
centers of influence among women are kept in operation by 
their devoted sisters of the Church of England. 

In connection, also, with missions of the most influential 
churches of the established order, there is an organization of 
the Church Army, in which the curates go out with others 
into the highways and the hedges to draw the wayward within 
the circle of good and helpful influences. Almost every 
Dissenting church also has its mission schools and its dea- 
conesses and lay helpers who are making inroads upon the 
realms of evil. One flourishing Quaker meeting is composed 
almost entirely of members who have been brought in 
through the efforts of one of their missions. The Bedford 
Institute, established fifty years ago for the advancement of 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

372 Notes. [April, 

the poor of the Spitalfields neighborhood by a wealthy 
Quaker early associated with Elizabeth Fry, has efficient 
branches in several other parts of the city also. Then there are 
model self-supporting lodging-houses, where, for a few cents, 
sober men by the thousand can get lodging, bath, and a chance 
to cook a breakfast. And there are large apartment-houses, 
built by Peabody, and others who have followed his example, 
where the respectable poor are comfortably and neatly housed 
on very reasonable terms. The municipality also has gone 
farther than some feel is wise in providing model apartment- 
houses at low rates of rental. 

And yet, as said at the beginning, the hopeless poor of 
London increase both actually and relatively. The problem 
certainly is one which it is fearful to contemplate, and one 
does not wonder to find Socialism prevailing to an increasing 
extent among those who are most actively engaged in 
humanitarian efforts. The good deaconesses who are day by 
day visiting the abodes of wretchedness in Whitechapel 
cry out in their anguish, " Why cannot something be done to 
equalize the conditions of people in this great city?" Why 
should so many children be ccxnpelled to go to school in the 
winter months shoeless and without breakfast? A company 
of 300 unemployed from one section of the city call upon 
their compatriot John Burns, now in the Cabinet, and ask, 
"Why is it that 5,000 men in our section of the city are, in 
these prosperous times, out of employment ?" 

It is the existence of the great army of the unemployed 
which gives strength to the powerful movement in favor of 
a protective tariff which is now going on. By protecting vari- 
ous industries it is hoped to stimulate certain lines of busi- 
ness, and so increase the demand for home labor. Singularly 
enough, it is the G>nservative party which is urging the 
adoption of a protective tariff, and this is called " Tariff Re- 
form." But the labor leaders are still found in favor of free 
trade, believing, as they do, that a protective tariff would 
raise the cost of living, ahd so, while helpwng the few, would 
overburden the many who are striving for a livelihood. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notes. 373 

One of the most touching appeals for charity, in the City 
this winter, has been to raise money to buy shoes for shoeless 
children attending the public schools. Another equally pit- 
eous appeal for charity has been to provide dinners for the 
children who have come to school without breakfast. " Why," 
it is asked, " should not all this be done by the state ; and why 
should not the state provide pensions for all the aged?" 

The pressure to have the state buy shoes for the shoeless, 
and food for hungry children and old people indiscriminately, 
is very strong and just now is growing in strength. So far, 
indeed, has Parliament gone in this direction that it is insti- 
tuting methods by which the land of the great estates is to 
be forcibly divided into parcels and sold to small holders. 

But, properly enough, the wiser ones hesitate at the adoption 
of measures which will weaken parental responsibility for the 
support of children, and remove the main incentive for 
economy and thrift in middle life, and tend to break down the 
respect for private property which has been the mainspring of 
modem industrial progress. Whether 'tis wise to fly from 
the " ills we have," " to others," which may be far more 
serious, " that we know not of," is a question which cannot be 
answered upon the spur of the mcwnent. It is doubtless best 
that movement in this direction should be slow and tentative. 
Apparently there is a near limit, though ill-defined, to the 
profitable absorption by the state of private responsibilities and 
enterprises. On the whole, an orphanage cannot be so good 
as a home. Parental responsibility cannot be lightly thrown 
upon the state without disastrous results. In general, it must 
be best for the individual to bear in his youth the burden of 
preparation for old age. 

Even in the matter of municipal ownership of public utili- 
ties, less advantage has been gained than was to have been 
expected. Three years ago the London City Council invested 
in a number of steamboats to run on the river Thames. 
After having lost $700,000 in the venture, their boats are 
now offered for sale. They thereby save a loss of $40,000 
per year in running expenses, besides that from the further 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

374 Notes. [April, 

deterioration of their property. Likewise the business calcu- 
lation of the City Council in straightening old streets and 
opening new has not been justified by the results. Great 
spaces which have been cleared of old buildings are not so 
gfreedily bought up by capitalists as was expected. The 
tramways of one large city, at least, have been made to appear 
profitable for a few years simply by manipulating the accounts 
so as to conceal the deterioration of the plant. The munici- 
pality, with its changing officials, cannot secure the high g^rade 
of service obtained by private parties interested in their own 

Socialism as a theory is sure to be discredited by the weak- 
ness and perversity of the human agents by which it is carried 
into effect. In presence of the terrific evils which seem to 
be the offspring of our material civilization, one cannot help 
sympathizing with those disappointed philanthropists who in 
very desperation would be willing to venture upon almost 
any experiment that would give hope of relief. But we must 
remember that even an All-wise Creator respects the freedom 
of the human will, and does not force men to be virtuous. It 
would seem, therefore, the part of wisdom for us to build up 
our hope of the future regeneration of the wcwld by re- 
doubling the moral influences set m motion by Him who freely 
confessed that equality was not the goal of human existence, 
but that, from one cause or another, the poor we should al- 
ways have with us. ^ Frederick Wright. 

London, England, March 4, 1908. 


I NEVER placed apologetics in the foreground. The best 
generals always taught that in a severe war one perishes as 
soon as he stands on the defensive alcme. He can expect 
success only when he boldly ventures to attack the enemy. 

When in 1868, coming from my quiet village of Guelder, 

I became, in Utrecht, acquainted for the first time with our 

^[Introduction to the Dutch Edition of Professor Wright's " Scien- 
tific Ck)nfinnation8 of Old Testament History.**] 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notes. 375 

most prominent apologists, the beliefs which they held and the 
positions which they were maintaining did not at all realize 
my expectations. There was nothing in their beliefs to in- 
spire courage or to arouse hope of victory or any desire for 
aggressive action, but rather to create anxiety lest we lose 
here a^i outwork and there a trench, and hence a desire to 
retreat to the middle of the fortification in order not to be 
threatened with complete defeat. 

This vexed and troubled me so that I did not feel the least 
inclination to devote my youthful strength to the service of 
such a kind of warfare. By such endless apologetic and such 
ccmstant attitude of defense the assailants were permitted to 
determine the entire plan of battle and to fix upon the vul- 
nerable points of attack, and the apologists were compelled to 
follow. The apologists had no strategic scheme at all. They 
always were obliged to take the worst positions which their 
antagonists had selected for them. The result was, of course, 
that they k>st ground at every move and abandoned what in 
the beginning they had endeavored to defend. Gradually the 
ground to defend became smaller and the phalanxes of the 
besiegers became more solid and bcrfd. A great part of all 
that was sacred to believers was in that way always made 
to hang upon a thorny dispute over a single verse. When a 
certain book appeared it seemed that in answering it they 
had at least put in security this or that sacred fact ; but when 
after three months another had appeared which overturned 
the erected timbef work, our apologists were perplexed. 

When Easter was coming on in 1870 one was doubtful 
whether Jesus really had risen or still remained in his grave. 
It was all uncertain. And the wwst of it was that our be- 
lieving apologists would not say this to everybody. They 
tried to arrange that no one should observe it, and were fear- 
ful lest the congregations should be conscious of the per- 
plexity. Instead of deriving courage, strength, and animation 
from the faith of the church, the apologists day by day be- 
came accustomed to the experience of cherishing similtaneous- 
ly two divergent beliefs, the one to be put before the 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

376 Notes. [April, 

congregation, and the other to be nursed in the privacy of 
their own studies. 

Some of them could not bear to do this, and endeavored to 
adjust matters in a diflEerent manner. They laid a new 
philosophical foundation to support the belief of the church, 
and then erected upon it their own subjective scheme which 
they presented to the congregation. What met with the ap- 
probation of this clique was called " the belief of the church." 
It was this philosophical theology, cast in forms of their own 
creation, which they entitled " The Confession of the Church 
of Christ," so it was that dogma after dogma tumbled, and 
Holy Writ was metamorphosed into a collection of books out 
of which came a more sacred spirit. But you could not rely 
on the Holy Writ itself. 

Very soon I felt that neither this apologetic nor this 
philosophical theology could give back to Christians their old 
courage by confession, their former strength of conviction, 
their strong faith. The strength of the first congregation of 
Christians depended upon their testimony to facts, upon the 
confession of their sacred convictions before everybody, even 
their most violent opposers. Did the church believe these 
facts or did it not? If not, then neither scientific apologetic 
nor philosophic enveloping of the truth could make the 
Christian movement an authority in the world. But if the 
church believes the facts, the strength of the confession based 
on this belief should show itself. Only a fresh and inspired 
conviction can give this lost faith back to us. And this is 
what has happened. We need to compare the Christian 
movement of the present time only with that of 1870, to see 
clearly the wonderful change that was the result of it. One 
does not now need to hide himself, but may go into the public 
highway of life and determine his course for himself. One 
does not now need to argue about his belief, but merely to 
show it, and all opposers feel that in that way there comes 
a spiritual force which they have no means of opposing. 

The conclusion must not be drawn from this that later on, 
and in their own field, the apologists will not acquire the 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notes. 377 

right of joining in the discussion ; provided that we first had 
conquered our free position and are standing no more ex- 
hausted and out of breath, but fresh and vigorous, on ground 
of our own choosing. Having reached such a position, we 
are compelled to go back and clean#he ground behind us. 

Among those who have made Imselves ready for the con- 
test, we find Dr. G. Frederick vv right of Oberlin, in Ohio, 
one of the middle in the United States of America. Dr. 
Wright is a clear-headed man : what he writes runs smoothly 
and is pellucid. But he is principally versed in natural 
philosophy, and has acquired the right to put in his word in 
this part of science. In proof of this I need only refer to 
his works, " The Ice Age in North America," " Man and the 
Glacial Period," " The Icefields of Greenland, and Life in the 
North Atlantic," and last but not least his " Asiatic Russia," 
etc. These titles show that Dr. Wright did not study these 
problems of nature as something of little consequence, but 
that he made a special study of them. Nor did he squander 
his strength upon minute details, but concentrated it upon a 
definite line of investigation. On this account one cannot 
help trusting him. He does not wander from the subject in 
hand, but penetrates to the vital part of the question laid 
before him, and shows that he is an authority in what he has 
undertaken. Although he often tires you by giving particulars 
which for abundance you would like to pass over, you cannot 
but acknowledge but that he strengthens his argument by this 
study of details. 

When at the close of 1906 there appeared a new work of 
his, " Scientific Confirmations of Old Testament History," 
and it reached our country, I immediately had the desire to 
make his work accessible to the masses by translating it into 
the Dutch; I was the more ready to do this because in this 
work Dr. Wright has prefaced his detailed observations by a 
general treatment of the trustworthiness of the history, main- 
taining the high character of the evidence supporting the 
common belief concerning the Scriptures, against the wildness 
and conceit of the critics. The criticism at present prevalent 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

378 Notes. [April, 

in Holland which demolishes the history is the consequence 
of a high presumptuous individuality which forgets entirely 
that human society can exist advantageously only by the 
maintenance of the foundations of confidence. 

Being too busy to translate the work myself, I ventured to 
request my friend Dr. Oranje to charge himself with this 
quiet work. Incapable of ministering to a congregation in 
their public meetings, in consequence of a painful disease, I 
thought it possible that he might like to serve the church in 
this quite different manner. It seemed that I was not mis- 
taken. Scarcely had he read the work than he declared with 
enthusiasm that he was quite willing to translate it for the 
Dutch Christians, and the reader when studying it will observe 
the great care with which he carried out his undertaking.^ 

I hope no one will be discouraged when reading the details 
which are occasionally very profound. The tendency is not 
to bring us back again to the still forbidden path of the 
apologetic, but to show what could be said to defend that 
which is left to us when the fight pro ares et focis was over. 

It is hoped that no offense will be taken at the attempt of 
Dr. Wright to make clear the passing of the Jews through the 
Red Sea, and through the Jordan, by invoking the aid of 
irregular operations of nature. The belief in God's wonderful 
might does not require that in explanation of the wonders 
we should exclude the operations of nature which would have 
taken place in any event. 

When I say that, even if Ahab and Elijah had not existed, 
a fire would still have fallen down at the same moment and on 
the same place where Elijah's sacrifice was offered, I do not 
say that it was not a wonder. The objective as well as the sub- 
jective wonder exists. The objective wonder is the falling 
down of the fire just on the same place and at the same 
moment of the historical event. The subjective wonder is 
that Elijah without knowing an3rthing of the position of 
affairs in nature dared supplicate for it and had faith to believe 
that the fire wtmld come. 

^ [We regret to say that, greatly to the lose of the Christian public. 
Dr. Oranje died soon after completing this work.] 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notes. 379 

In this way Dr. Wright writes about some of the great 
wonders in the history of Israel. I dare not say that he al- 
ways has taken the right view of what happened, but even if 
in a single instance he might be mistaken I still praise his 
endeavors to connect wonders iti the history with the course 
of the operations of nature. That his own belief in the 
wonders does not waver, he states on more than one page. 


The Hague, September 30, 1907. 


Heterodox tendencies have become so strong in England, 
especially under the lead of Rev. R. J. Campbell, that a formi- 
dable body of the leaders of the Congregational churches have 
felt called upon to issue the following statement of doctrine : — 

** As men who have been called to the repreeentatiye post of chair- 
men of the Union, or as heads of Ck>ngregational coHegee, we think, 
in the theological unrest which has invaded the diurches, that good 
may result from making a brief statement of some things, most 
surely believed among us, which require at the present time em- 
phatic affirmation. 

"Our hope is that the statement may not only help those who 
within our own borders are disturbed by current controversies, but 
also assure our fellow Christians of other Communions that we hold 
fast 'the faith once for all delivered to the saints.' At the same 
time we are eager, in the interests of a progressive evangelical the- 
ology, to receive all new light and truth which may break forth 
from the Word. 

" 1. ^ We believe in the Personality of God the Father, transcend- 
ant as Maker and Ruler of all things, and yet, through His eternal 
Spirit, Immanent in the world, and particularly in man and his his- 

** 2. We believe that sin, so far from being necessary to man's de- 
velopment, is, as a distrust of God and disobedience to Him, a per- 
version of the moral and religious nature which, apart fh>m redemp- 
tion, would involve man in ruin. 

** a We believe that Jesus Christ, the only begotten Son of God, 
came into the world to reveal the holy love and grace of God, and to 
redeem man by the sacrifice of Himself once for all upon the Cross 
for the sin of the world, so conveying to the individual believer the 
Divine parAm. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

380 Notes. [April, 

*' 4. We belleye that this pardon is appropriated by faith in Jeinis 
Christ, and that by tliis faith the Holy Spirit, producing union with 
the living Lord, regenerates human nature to eternal life. 

'' 5. We believe tliat the regenerate are the true Qiurch to whidi, 
among other sacred obligations, is conunitted the task of transform- 
ing the world, morally and socially, into the Kingdom of God. 

" 6. We believe that the Bible is God's Book, because it enshrines 
the divine revelation culminating in the historic coming of Christ, 
His life, death, and resurrection, and the Gospel therein contained. 

" 7. We believe that all truth is to be received as from €k>d, and 
that the appar^t conflict between science and religion not only can 
be adjusted, but is at the present time approaching a reconciliation. 

*' These in our judgment are the points which just now require 

" Fervently praying for light, for loyalty to truth, and for unfail- 
ing charity, we remain, 

"Yours faithfully in Christ, 


" Geo. S. Babbett. " j. H. Jowett. 

" Chas. Chapman. " D. L. Ritchie. 



** A. M. Faibbaibn. ** Caleb Soott. 

** P. T. FOBSTTH. «« Albebt Spiceb. 

" Alfbed E. Gabvie. " H. Abnold Thomas. 

" A. GooDBicH. " R. w. Thompson. 

"B. Gbiffith- Jones. "O. C. Whitehousb." 

This brought an immediate response from Mr. Campbell, 
who perceived at once against whom it was directed. At his 
lecture the day after, he said : — 

''This morning there appears in the Press a manifesto, signed by 
the chairman and a number of distinguished ex-chairmen of the Con- 
gregational Union of England and Wales, and also heads of theolog- 
ical colleges. The avowed object of this pronouncement is to allay 
the present 'theological unrest' in the churches. In this respect it 
was the counterpart of the Papal Encyclical recently issued against 
the Modernists, and will prove equally futile. 

" The movement against which it is directed cannot be crushed by 
any such ex-cathedra utterance. Some of the gentlemen who have 
signed this manifesto have previously tried, after the most approved 
methods of the Church of Rome, what violent personal abuse could 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notes. 381 

do; they are even now trying what practical excommunicatloD can 
do. But they cannot allay the unrest they deplore, for it is of €k>d. 
It is a shaking of the dry bones in the valley of death. It is the 
resurgence of faith. It is the revival of Christianity. Great is truth, 
and it shall prevail/' 

Later, in an open letter, he says : — 

"The general attitude of the controlling official element in the 
churches is now so plainly hostile to the mov^nent expressed in the 
New Theology that something will have to be done to safeguard and 
direct the aspirations of those who have openly professed their ad- 
herence to it Steps have already been taken in various localities by 
the young people themselves to secure some form of Christian fellow- 
ship on the wider lines. This movement is so spontaneous, so virile, 
and 8o evidently inspired of €k>d, that I can no longer refrain from 
acceding to the requests of those who wish me to provide a general 
center and an active propaganda for it This will be done without 

" Leaders of the New Theology movement will be called together 
as soon as possible and asked to contribute advice and assistance. An 
attempt will be made to encourage the formation of local groups or 
associations of an inter-denominational character which can be fed- 
erated with a center in London. The wider the basis of membership 
can be made the better. The theological cannot be separated from 
the sociological aspect of the movement The New Theology is simply 
and solely the Gospel of the Kingdom of God. We may as well be- 
gin, therefore, by asserting this firmly and uncompromisingly, and 
wait for further results." 

Simultaneously the situation was so ably discussed in the 
Daily Telegraph (March 4) by "Oxoniensis" that it is 
worthy of permanent preservation. We are permitted to give 
it entire. 

''A singular importance attaches to the manifesto which was ad- 
dressed the other day to the Congregational Churches in England 
and Wales. It is issued in the names of the heads of Congregational 
Colleges and Chairmen of the Union, and therefore possesses all the 
authority of a creed as understood by those whom we class vaguely 
under the general name of Dissenters. A great deal has been said 
about the 'Nonconformist conscience,' sometimes in praise, some- 
times in derision ; but we at last know what the Nonconformist con- 
science ordains, although it must be confessed that some of the 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

382 Notes, [April, 

clauses are Bnffici^tly vague to cov^ a considerable diyergence in 
opinion. Bnt the interesting point is that at last those who have al- 
ways objected to dogmas are thonselyes forced to issue dogmas. The 
Congregational body exists as a protest against the formularies of 
the Anglican Church, and now, in its turn, it has had to crystallise 
its views into a more or less definite creed, after the pattern of those 
Synods of bishops who met in the early centuries of the Christian 
era. That is in itself a startling fact, even though it must be admit- 
ted that it is due to an entirely natural process. The instinct of the 
liberal mind is always to protest against dogma, and a very large 
amount of what we call religious reform has proceeded from this 
revolutionary spirit Then comes a time when the reformers them- 
selves discover that their principles are stretched beyond their own 
cognisance or sanction. Some person, or some body of persons, has, 
to use a convenient vulgarism, ' gone one better ' than they have. So 
the former liberals become conservatives, and intrench their position 
against the attacks of an adversary, who, nevertheless, is bred out of 
their own camp. The process of fortification is always the samo— the 
production of a confession of faith, a series of articles enjoined upon 
the faithful as the very conditions of their membership, and then 
we are face to face with the central difficulty. To believe is rela- 
tively an easy matter, at all events for certain temperaments ; but to 
formulate one's belief is the not easy task of supplying a reasonaUe 
basis for an emotion, of providing a logical structure tor that which 
in its primary essence is not understood, but felt. 


*' There have been a number of confessions of faith ia the history 
of the world, and they have all risen from much the same causes. 
There was, of course, no creed, in any definite sense of the word, in 
the early Christian Church. Indeed, it is not till a much later age, 
the age of Irenffius and Tertullian (175 to 200) that we meet with 
any definite summaries of belief. But, of course, we must go a great 
deal later than this before we reach a formularised programme of 
articles of faith. As every one knows, the first was what we call the 
Nicene Creed, dating from the early part of the fourth century, a 
creed which is especially dear to the £}astem Churches. The so- 
called Apostles' Creed, which the Western Churches adopted, is om- 
siderably later. And, last of all, at the very end of the eighth cen- 
tury, we have the Athanasian Creed. The reason for these successive 
promulgations is the existence of heresy, or else general conditions 
of religious disturbance and upheaval, such as are likely to upset 
the faith of the elect The Nicene Creed, due to a large extent to 
the initiative of Constantine, was directly aimed against the Arian 
heresy, and most people are aware of those subtle distinctions and 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notes. 883 

interminable wranglings engaged in by the Council of Nicsa on the 
question whether the Second Person in ttie Trinity was or was not 
of the same sabetance as the Father. It was natural for a later age 
to imagine that the Apostles' Creed was due to the Apostles them- 
selves, ea<di of the several articles being contributed by a single 
Apostle. But though the Creed itself may liave been in existence 
from the end of the fourth century, there is no historical evidence of 
its reception until about the middle of the eighth century, a notable 
characteristic being the doctrines of the descent of CSirist into hell, 
and the communion of saints. In the case of the Athanasian Creed, 
we have a very wilful perversion of history in the title. Matthew 
Arnold said that the Creed was due to the Churdi being for the 
nonce in a bad temper. As a matter of fact, it was the response of 
the Christian consciousness in the age immediately following that of 
Charlemagne ; and the imposture, such as it was, which may or may 
not have taken place with the concurrence of the heads of the 
Churdi, was the ascription of so elaborate and detailed an enunda- 
tion of the Trinitarian faith to a father of the Church of the fourth 
century, who had been at least four hundred years in his grave. 
Perliaps I need hardly refer to the later confessions, which have l>een 
especially plentiful in ttie Reformed Churdi. The Confession of 
Augsburg, in 1530, is one of the earliest of these. It expresses with 
deamess and brevity the doctrine and position of the Lutheran 
Churdi. The Confession of Augsburg was answered on the part of 
the Roman Catholic Communion by the Council of Trent, at the end 
of 1545. And if we pass over a series of efforts of the Reformed 
churches from the middle of the sixteenth century onward, we arrive 
at last to the two definite confessions, the Thirty-nine Articles and 
the Westminster Confession. The Thirty-nine Articles were orig- 
inally ten in 1536, then forty-two in 1552, and finally thirty-nine be- 
tween 1562 and 1571. The Westminster document was the result of 
the great Puritan agitation in the seventeenth century, and obtained 
its position of authority in 1690, when Presbyterianism was finally 
established in Scotland. 


''Between the last-mentioned date and the manifesto which was 
published the other day we know of hardly any document professing 
to l)e of the same unique importance. As has been already hinted, 
the Nonconformist body is in a somewhat peculiar position in refer- 
eac» to the promulgation of definite creeds. Primarily arising from 
a certain spirit of Antinomianism, or at all events a dislike of accu- 
rately-defined dogmas, the Congregational churches at the iHresent 
day find themsdves menaced by a movement which, in their opinion, 
threatens their position and authority. Matters have been brought 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

384 Notes. [April, 

to a head by what is known as the New Theology; and perhaps no 
single individual has been more the cause of the new confession of 
faith than the Rev. R. J. Campbell. His recent books form a most 
illustrative example of what, from one point of view, we might call 
extreme Antinomianism, or, from another point of view, exceedingly 
liberal and enlightened thought He treats with the greatest free- 
dom not only the ordinarily accepted Christian doctrines, but the 
Holy Scriptures, and especially the New Testament He imagines, 
for instance, that the Founder of our faith was, above all, a social 
reformer. He was, indeed, in Mr. Campbell's view, a precursor of 
that Socialism which is held to be the next step in our political de- 
velopment 'The Kingdom of Heaven' of which Christ spoke was 
not, in Mr. Campbell's opinion, something transcendental, and re- 
moved from the conditions of ordinary time and space, but a new 
social order, which both Christ and His Apostles believed to be cap- 
able of formation within a limited period upon the earth. Other 
'obiter dicta' of Mr. Campbell may be passed over, in view of the 
importance of the main position. There are, for instance, certain 
opinions which he holds with regard to the Meaning of Sin, the E2x- 
istence of Evil, the Divinity of Christ, the True Meaning of Atone- 
ment, and the I>octrine of Immortality, which find various and not 
always consistent expression in his latest work, 'Christianity and 
the Social Order.' But the main point is that Christianity is Social- 
ism, and Socialism is Christianity. And here is involved an especial 
danger, not only for those who dislike the mixing up of politics and 
religion, but also for those Congregational ists who believe that the 
sayings of Christ were opposed to Socialistic tenets. Modem Social- 
ism, at all events, in the mouth of some of its exponents, has some- 
thing to say about the family, about the sanctity of marriage, 
about the religious consciousness, together with all that it con- 
tains and enforces, whidi it is more than a little difficult to 
deduce from the language of the Gospels. Moreover — and that is, 
after all, a point of capital significance — Christianity has hitherto 
been held to connote a belief in the Divinity of Christ, and anything 
that throws doubt upon this proposition, anything whidi seems to 
say, in the language of Mr. Campbell, that the Founder of our relig- 
ion was only a teacher in the sense in which the term is applied to 
other ethical reformers of the world, strikes a vital blow at the very 
meaning of religion as understood by the Congregational body. 

"▲MBiourrr of dogmas. 

"This is the origin of the latest Confession of faith, which, bow- 
ever we like to phrase it. Is directed against ' freedom,' as the New 
Theology understands it Well, it must be confessed that it is an 
exceedingly difficult task for the Congregational Churches to attempt 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908,] Notes. 385 

In the first place, those who object to creeds have found it necessary 
to promulgate a creed; those who dislike formularies have been 
forced to indite certain formularies of their own. And, in the second 
place, the Churches which sprang from the principle of freedom 
have to anathematize a larger illustration and evolution of that very 
freedom which they were the first to recommend. The difficulty of 
their position meets us in one of the earliest paragraphs of the Con- 
fession. The signatories assert that they hold fast ' the faith once for 
all delivered to the saints.' The synods of bishops could not do more. 
'At the same time,' they continue, ' we are eager, in the interests of a 
progressive evangelical theology, to receive all new light and truth 
which may break forth from the Word/ Or, again, * We Iwlieve that 
all truth is to be received as from God, and that the apparent conflict 
between science and religion not only can be adjusted, but is at the 
present time approaching a reconciliation.' There is no little ambiguity 
about statements like these. With one hand you retain your hold on 
the faith once delivered to the saints, while you hold out the other 
hand to enlightened students, who proceed on assumptions diamet- 
rically opposed to those of the Early Fathers. Even Mr. Campbell 
may find a refuge for his much-criticised doctrines in the ample har- 
bourage afforded by such concessions to modem thought And we 
notice besides that in the seven articles of the new creed the omis- 
sions are quite as significant as the points which are re- 
tained. The first two propositions depend for their very mean- 
ing on a theory of the formation of the world and the relation 
of the Creator to it, which is nowhere expounded. If we lay stress 
on a phrase like ' the Eternal Spirit immanent in the world,' we 
get to Pantheism. If we separate the Author of the Universe from 
the Universe He has made, we are in danger of falling into Mani- 
chfieism. Sin can only be understood in relation to the doctrine of 
Evil ; but, of course, in such a confession as this the latter cannot be 
explained. Those who sign the document are very anxious, evidently, 
to avoid any reference to Socialism, and therefore do not define with 
any accuracy the meaning of such phrases as 'the Kingdom of 
Heaven.' The Divinity of the Second Member of the Trinity is far 
more explicitly stated in the Nicene Creed than it is in the latest 
Confession of Faith, while the doctrine of Atonement, of Messiah^ 
ship, of the authority of the Bible, of Immortality, are left in a 
somewhat vague and chaotic condition. Possibly these things cannot 
be avoided in any creed; but ambiguity is the especial danger of 
those who, by their very profession, wish to preserve what they find 
it difficult to define. 

"▲ MOBAI.. 

" There is no particular moral that I am aware of save the neces- 
sity of a larger-minded toleration for those who, for whatever rea- 
VoL LXV. No. 258 13 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

386 Notes, [April, 

son, desire to interpret for themselves in their own way, the mean- 
ing of religion. Long ago it was said that all wise men are of the 
same faith, but what that faith is they very carefully refuse to ex- 
plain. And the epigram or paradox covers a real truth. But if dif- 
ferent men have dlfFerent interpretations of spiritual truth; if one 
man will lay stress on external observances, another on definite dog- 
mas, a third on spiritual life— it is neither wise nor possible to 
provide a sufficiently large or comprehensive set of articles as the 
summary of Christianity. Just as the slang of one age is the gram- 
mar of the next, so it is quite conceivable that the heterodoxy of a 
certain period may come to something very like orthodoxy in a later 
period. If this is what is called Antinomianism, it is an Antinomian- 
ism which corresponds with the growth of thought and the develop- 
ment of the world. But, possibly, there is another moraL Tlie real 
mistake may be to seek to identify religion itself with any 
political or social movement, or with the changing thoughts of 
men, on such subjects as the meaning of EjvII, or the Eitemity of 
Matter. Christianity is rarely at ease in dealing with metaphysical 
topics. Nor has it helped the Christian faith to be assimulated in 
turn to the pretensions of despotism, of aristocracy, of commercial 
oligarchy, of democratic Socialism — ^the real truth being that the 
essence of faith is to leaven men's thoughts, and not to produce im- 
mediate structural results in society or politics. 'My Kingdom,* 
said Christ, * is not of this world.' It is in truth an ideal, sudi as 
never was on sea or land, but may still remain as the inspirer of aU 
the noble things that are done within the conditions of time and 


Dr. Thomas Arnold^ of Rugby, England, who was 
probably the foremost educator of his time, has written this 
remarkable sentence: — 

"There is nothing so revolutionary, because there is nothing so 
unnatural and convulsive to society, as the strain to keep things 
fixed, when all the world is by the law of its creation in eternal prog- 
ress; and the cause of all the evils in the world may be traced to 
that natural but most deadly error of human indolence and corrup- 
tion, that our business is to preserve and not to improve." 

We grant that it is impracticable and dangerous to attempt 
to keep things always as they now are, and claim that the true 
problem of life is to make the necessary changes in a sound 
and wise manner. We need to avoid the extremes of prema- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notes. 387 

ture action and undue delay. We are not, therefore, surprised 
to learn that there is moral and mental unrest in England, 
neither are we startled by hearing that an original and ener- 
getic preacher in London has stirred up ecclesiastical discon- 
tent to such a degree that a body of the more conservative 
English Congregational leaders have united in formulating a 
brief new creed for the purpose of holding their congregations 
together against his influence. 

There is religious unrest in this country also, and a new il- 
lustration of it is brought before us. Just as we go to press 
we learn that Andover Seminary, an institution founded and 
endowed a hundred years ago in order to oppose a belief con- 
sidered at that time to be heretical, has now essentially 
surrendered to it. The step was taken in the face of the ex- 
pressed wishes of the main body of the Alumni, and without 
any proper consultation with them since. The institution thus 
transferred to Cambridge will be located very near to an 
avowed Unitarian Seminary, and we are told that the two 
institutions will be maintained independently of one another. 
The line of partition between the two must be rather thin, and 
the control of the time-honored Seminary is practically lost by 
the fact that no professor in the transplanted institution can 
be appointed without the approval of the Corporation of Har- 
vard University. Granting that the present controlling offi- 
cers of the University are true and noble men, who will not 
misuse their trust for the purpose of depressing the orthodoxy 
of a seminary which is thus essentially given up to them, it is 
certain that the institution is blindly surrendered to any body 
of men who may hold the control of Harvard University in 
the future. Andover Seminary is now made over to that which 
Harvard University may become. Honesty is the best policy 
for a theological seminary as well as for a trader, and a more 
complete abandonment of vested rights has never been made 
during the history of American education. Whether or not 
the Alumni of Andover Seminary will tamely submit to this 
remains to be seen. Wiluam Edwards Park. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

388 Notices of Recent Publications, [April, 



Ehe- und Familienrecht der Hebraer. Von Dr. Thad. 
Engert, Benefiziat in Ochsenfurt. Mit oberhirtlicher 
Dnickerlaubnis. 1905. Miinchen: Verlag der J. J. 
Lentner'schen Buchhandlung. 

This book rises above the ordinary level of the Wellhausen 
school. True, many of the unfortunate characteristics of 
modern critics — the inability to weigh evidence or test theories, 
the boundless credulity, the failure to collate all the material 
facts on controversial topics, the misunderstandings as to the 
true meaning of legal provisions, the almost incredible lack of 
literary feeling — ^are unhappily prominent. Moreover, the 
author has in many instances failed to escape from the grooves 
into which modem inquirers have fallen ; he has used his con- 
cordance too little and some not very valuable German com- 
mentaries too much; he is too fond of speculating where he 
has no evidence ; he is unacquainted with the best English and 
American work ; and he has laid himself open to the criticism 
that if he had made a wider and deeper study of historic times 
he might be a little less positive about the prehistoric. 

To illustrate : Dr. Engert tells us nothing about the ' father's 
house ' ( 2H n^n) and very little about the * clan ' (nn^tnoi)- His 
discussion of Raubehe (marriage by. capture) (pp. 18-21) is 
a mass of conjectures, and takes no account of the evidence 
of the first four books of the Pentateuch (Gen. xiv., xliv.; 
Num. xxxi.), nor is he conscious of the absurdity of attempt- 
ing to establish a chronological sequence between the various 
forms of marriage without having any data to go upon. 
When he reads in the prophets of God's having two wives 
(Israel and Judah) it strikes him as a proof that the custom 
of bigamy (i.e. taking two wives, neither fewer nor more) 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Natices of Recent Publications. 389 

must have been deeply rcx)ted in Israel (p. 27). He has never 
studied the difference between a wife and the various kinds 
of concubines, and his discussicMi of slavery is rendered useless 
by his inability to distinguish between slaves and insolvent 
freemen. On pages 37-40 he makes the usual critical mis- 
take of supposing that the supposititious " P " forbids mar- 
riage with strangers. Yet Numbers xxxi. gives express 
directions as to the Midianitish women, and, in contrast to 
Ezekiel, Leviticus xxi. requires only the high priest, and not 
the other priests, to marry within his own people, though these 
facts are of course singularly inconvenient for any theory that 
seeks to make Leviticus xxi. and Numbers xxxi. exilic or 
post-exilic. His ideas on marriage, widows, and inheritance 
(including the critical theories on which they are based) take 
no account of the fact that Ruth iv. clearly proves that the 
widows Naomi and Ruth had some interest in property that 
had been Elimelech's. Nor is it true that birthright and bless- 
ing were alike in their effects, and. therefore identical (p. 79). 
No doubt in ordinary cases the first-bom had both; but the 
fundamental distinction is nevertheless clear. The birthright 
gave the eldest son various privileges, of which the most im- 
portant was an additional portion of the father's movables. 
The blessing, on the other hand, always deals not with 
property but with status. The difference in the subject- 
matter is similar to the difference between dominium and iw- 
perium^ between ownership and sovereignty. It would be 
easy to point to many other errors and omissions, but we 
prefer to pass to Dr. Engert's merits. 

We know by experience how little can be expected of the 
Wellhausen school, and the true measure of the author's 
capacity is to be found by contrasting his work with the 
current archaeologies, commentaries, etc. From such a com- 
parison he emerges triumphant. While he is no lawyer, he 
has at any rate more conception of how to handle law than 
most of his authorities. Indeed, many of his misfortunes 
appear to be due to an inadequate estimate of his own ability. 
We believe that Dr. Engert would do better if he could 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

390 Notices of Recent Publications. [April, 

realize that most of the writers upon whom he relies — it would 
be invidious to mention names — ^are far less able men than 
himself. Let him trust himself more, let him put the works 
of these men into his waste-basket, and make a fresh start 
with text, apparatus criticus, concordance, and comparative 
material, and let him conduct his investigations without any 
bias in favor of any critical theory. We think that in that 
case he might do something to fulfill the promise of this little 
volimie. And that brings us to one of his great merits. 

Dr. Engert is not merely very acute and (within limits) 
thorough. He has succeeded in grasping the important fact 
that other races also had law, and has accordingly applied the 
comparative method. And here we think criticism may be 
especially useful in assisting future work. We should our- 
selves be sorry to rely too much on Wilutzky's " Vorgeschichte 
des Rechts," and we commend to Dr. Engert's notice the very 
valuable collection of material in A. H. Post's " Grundriss der 
ethnologischen Jurisprudenz." But particularly we wish to 
utter a word of caution as to the work of the school of thought 
which is represented by such books and by the Zeitsckrift 
fiir vergleichende Rechtswisscnschaft, It has undoubtedly 
accomplished very much for scholarship, but certain pre- 
cautions must be observed in utilizing the results of its labors. 
As one of the ablest members of this school recently said, 
better legal histories of the separate races are required for the 
future prog^ss of ethnological jurisprudence. It is only too 
true that, in the past, investigators have had to trust the re- 
ports of stray travelers, and others who had no special 
training for such investigation. Secondly, the knowledge 
possessed by these investigators of any given legal sjrstem, 
even where the material is abundant, must necessarily be very 
superficial. Thirdly, ethnological jurists are after all men, 
who have their theories like other men, and it is sometimes 
necessary to reckon with possible bias. 

We should also point out that, for the purposes of the 
Pentateuch, a first-hand study of other ancient codes is de- 
sirable. The sacred books of India, for example, and the 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notices of Recent Publications. 391 

Roman Twelve Tables often afford much more interesting 
parallels than Hammurabi, whom Dr. Engert cites very fre- 
quently. And, lastly, we should wish to see more use made 
of the writings of the English school of comparative jurists. 

We have thought it right to criticise Dr. Engert at some 
length, because he has done well enough to make us hope that 
he may do much better. But, in conclusion, we must point to 
an unpardonable omission which greatly reduces the value of 
his work. The book has no indices. Hence (in spite of its 
table of contents) it is practically useless to those who may 
wish to consult it as a book of reference. 

London, England. Harold M. Wiener. 

Old Testament Problems: Critical Studies in the Psalms 
and Isaiah. By James William Thirtle, LL.D., D.D., 
Member of the Royal Asiatic Society; author of "The 
Titles of the Psalms: Their Nature and Meaning Ex- 
plained." Crown 8vo. Pp. viii, 336. London, Edinburgh, 
Glasgow, New York, and Toronto: Henry Frowde. 6s., 
net ($2.40). 

Our author believes, and rightly, that the position and work 
of Hezekiah have not received the attention which is their 
due. The personality of Hezekiah and his influence upon the 
Jewish nationality are second only to those of David. With 
a strong array of argument the author maintains that the 
fifteen Songs of Degrees (Ps. cxx.-cxxxiv.) are commemora- 
tive of the fifteen years which were added to Hezekiah's life 
after the severe illness described in Isaiah xxxviii. Isaiah very 
Hkely had a hand in the collection and writing of those Songs 
of Degrees. 

This is a theory maintained by John Lightfoot two hundred 
and fifty years ago, and recently by the Jewish writer Abraham 
Wolfson. The argument of the author in support of this 
position is thorough and convincing, and prepares the way 
for some important conclusions bearing on the interpretation 
of the book of Isaiah. For the prcmiinenoe thus given to 
Hezekiah makes his personality, like that of David, a natural 
type of the great Messiah; so that "the Servant of the 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

392 Notices of Recent Publications. fApril, 

Lord '' can be easily understood, in the strictly personal sense, 
first, as designating Hezekiah himself, and then the great 
antitype who was in due time to come for the world's re- 

Having restored Hezekiah to his proper position, our author 
is able, by a very interesting course of reasoning, to remove 
the difiiculties which have been most in the way of accepting 
the unity of the book of Isaiah. These difiiculties have almost 
wholly arisen from the introduction of the name of Cyrus in 
Isaiah xliv. and xlv. The principal difiiculty has arisen, ac- 
cording to our author, from a slight but natural corruption of 
the text, involving only a single letter of the Hebrew alphabet. 
Now the first member of the word for * smith ' and * carpenter ' 
in chapter xliv. is, without the vowel-points, the same as that 
for Cyrus, except that a heth takes the place of a caph, both of 
them being gutturals. The author's contention is that, 
" writing with reference to Hezekiah, the breaker of images, 
and the strenuous servant of Jehovah, the prophet said : * Thus 
said the Lord to His anointed, to the workman (or artificer) 
whose right hand I have holden, to subdue nations before him,' 
etc. (ch. 46. 1)" (p. 263). In this view "workman" refers 
to Hezekiah, who, as an agent of the Lord, was to destroy the 
idols which the artificers of wood and iron had made. 
Naturally in the time of Cyrus this agency of Hezekiah could 
easily be transferred to Cyrus (hdrdsh being changed to 

The entire argument is both ingenious and convincing, and 
will bring relief to many doubting minds which have found it 
difficult to answer the arguments brought against the unity of 
the book. At the same time the book is one which cannot be 
safely neglected by the destructive critics. 

Die Apostolischen Vater, neu untersucht, I Teil. Clem- 
ens, Hermas, Barnabas. Von Dr. David Voltner, Pro- 
fessor der Theologie in Amsterdam. Pp. 472. Leiden : E. 
J. Brill. 

Dr. Voltner is one of the well-known advanced literary crit- 
ics who has great confidence in the method of cutting, splicing. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notices of Recent Publications. 393 

and re-editing the early Christian literature. But he is much 
more cautious and considerate of organic construction than 
when he began his critical career. In the present volume, in 
which we have his mature judgment on Clement, Hermas, and 
Barnabas, he shows not only critical courage and originality, 
but a thorough knowledge of the critical literature on these 

He does not think that any one of the critics has yet hit upon 
the correct "religious-theological Typus" for interpreting 
Clement, which writing he considers very important as fur- 
nishing a key to the understanding of the oldest type of Chris- 
tianity. Wrede, he thinks, fails to answer the real question 
which needs answer, vJhy Clement made such an exceptional 
use of the Old Testament. He is also sure that Lemme is mis- 
taken in considering Clement a Jewish Christian, especially 
since the letter as it now stands makes such strong use of First 
Corinthians, Romans, and Hebrews, and gives to the work and 
person of Christ a place not even surpassed in the New Testa- 
ment, with the exception of the Fourth Gospel. Dr. Voltner 
believes that this contrast is the result of a working over in the 
Christian interest by an editor and by later writers. The orig- 
inal Clement was neither a Jew nor a Greek, but a Jewish 
proselyte of heathen origin who believed the Jewish religion to 
be a true one. Dr. Voltner devotes a chapter to a translation 
of what he considers the original form of the letter, and it 
contains in this expurgated form just one direct and harmless 
reference "to the words of the lord Jesus " (chap. xlvi.). To 
obtain this result he began with chapters xxi.-xxiii., from 
which he rejects the Christian references. This made it easier 
to move backward to chapter xx. He soon drops all Christian 
reference from' the doxologies. The number of references to 
Christ becominig, at each step backward and forward, fewer 
and more improbable, he can leave them out as the work 
of later Christian hands. After this task is completed. Dr. 
Voltner has clear sailing as to the " i^ligious-theological Ty- 
pus" of Clement. But one will need his critical courage to 
be without question that a real glimpse is, by this means, 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

394 Noiices of Recent Publications. [April, 

to be had into the character of the oldest Christian type of 

The Shepherd of Hermas, Dr. Voltner considers to have 
grown out of Visions I.-IV. Of the gradual growth of this 
remarkable writing, Hamack is an advocate, but the whole 
was the work of the same author between the years 110 or 115 
and 140 a.d. Spitta had considered the whole as die work of 
one writer who began as a Jew, but who, after he had written 
the four Visions, the Gxnmandnients, and the main Simili- 
tudes, became a Christian, and added Similitude IX. and then 
carefully rewrote the whole. Dr. Voltner thinks the whole 
book up to Sim. VIII. arose in a Jewish proselyte church, the 
writer being neither a Jew nor a Christian. Only toward the 
dose of the bode does the Christian enlargement appear, and a 
re-editing of the whole in th Christian interest. Dr. Voltner 
therefore gives his attention to Visions I.-IV. to make good 
his claims. 

As to Barnabas, Dr. Voltner in 1888 came out with a very 
pronounced theory of readjustment by cutting and splidng. 
He here modifies in many particulars his original theory. But 
he does not agree with Hamack, who sees less and less reason 
for believing Barnabas a composite woric. Dr. Voltner, how- 
ever, now only finds the work of the later writer chiefly in the 
last few chapters, and a few dianges of the original author. 
The original Barnabas has written under Vespasian, between 
71 and 79 A.D., and is therefore one of the oldest of Christian 
epistles, older than the Didache, and a source upon which the 
Epistle to the Ephesians depends. The rewriting of Barnabas 
took place between 130 and 13!^ aj)., and the writer made use 
of the Gospel of Peter. 

The real value of Dr. Voltner's work will of course entirely 
depend on his ability to make good his far-reaching elimina- 
tions of the Christian elements. If he succeeds, early Chris- 
tianity will certainly not be what it has been considered to 
have been on the basis of these early Christian writings as they 
have stood. No one could dispute his conclusions, if he con- 
siders this critical work justifiable. But the more unlike this 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] NoHces of Recent Publications. 395 

early Christianity of Dr. Voltner's is to later Christianity, the 
greater will he probably find his task to be. 

Albert T. Swing. 

Choix de Textes Religieux Assyro-Babyloniens, trans- 
cription, traduction, commentaire. Par le P. Dhorme, des 
Freres Precheurs, professeur d'assyrien a Saint-fitienne de 
Jerusalem. 8vo. Pp. xxxvii, 406. Paris : LecoflFre. 1907. 
12 f. 

This volume is one of the series of £tudes bibliques which 
the scholarly Dominicans of the French School of Archaeology 
in Jerusalem are issuing. Lagrange's " fitudes sur les relig- 
ions semitiques " and Vincent's " Canaan d'apres I'exploration 
recent " have appeared in the same series. These works have 
not received the attention from Protestant scholars which they 
deserve. No worker in these fields can aflFord to ignore them. 

Dhorme opens his book with a brief statement of the main fea- 
tures of the Babylonian and Assyrian religion. He then gives 
in transliteration and translation the Creation poem, a Chal- 
dean cosmogony from CT^ XIII, 35-37, an Assyrian cosmog- 
ony from CT, XIII, 24, 25, the creation of the other animals 
from AL» 94 ff., and CT, XIII, 34, the tree of Eridu, the 
deluge, the fragment of a second recension of the deluge dis- 
covered by Scheil, the dialogue between Ea and Xisthuros, 
the story of Ea and Atarhasis, the institution of priesthood 
from Zimmern's " Beitrage " and Craig's " Texts," the myth 
of Adapa, the myth of Etana, the Gilgamish Epic (from 
which the deluge story is omitted because previously given), 
the descent of Ishtar to the lower world, the speech of Bel- 
Marditk from Reisner's " Hymns," p. 7, a hymn to Marduk 
from IV^ R 21* and AL*, 81 ff., a hymn to Ishtar from King's 
" Seven Tablets of Creation," II, LXXV, the psalm to Ishtar 
from AL', 134, the prayer to Gibil, the god of fire, from 
AL*, 133, the just suflFerer from IV* R 60*, the pretended 

^ CT=:Guneif orm Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the Britisb 
Museum; AL*=Delltz8ch'8 Assyriscbe Lesestflcke, 3d ed.; AI/=4tb 
ed. of same work ; V R=:Rawlin8on*8 Cuneiform Inscriptions of West- 
em Asia, Vol. V ; IV • R=tbe 2d ed. of Vol. IV of the same work. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

396 Notices of Recent Publications. [April, 

Babylonian Sabbath from IV R 3JJ f. and AL*, 82, the tab- 
let of worship from Sippar from V R 60, 61, and proverbs 
from AL*, 118 ff. An index of proper names follows, and a 
table of contents. 

The author is fully abreast of the literature and has done his 
work well. He is independent in his judgments, and his opin- 
ions are always worthy of consideration, even if one disagree 
with him. His work compares favorably with that of Jensen. 
He places Mount Mashu of the Gilgamish epic rightly in Ara- 
bia together with the park of precious stones. He has not 
been led away by Jensen's latest theory that the reference is to 
Phoenicia and the Mediterranean Sea. It seems a pity to re- 
move the account of the deluge from the rest of the Gilga- 
mish epic, but perhaps this is justified in a series intended for 
Biblical students, as it makes it stand out more prominently. 

Bryn Mawr, Pa. George A. Barton. 

A Study of the Earliest Letters of Caspar Schwenck- 
FELD von Ossig. Editor, Chester David Hartranft. 
(Cofpus Schwenckfeldianorum, published under the aus- 
pices of the Schwenckfelder Church, Pennsylvania, and the 
Hartford Theolc^cal Seminary, Connecticut. Volume I.) 
Norristown, Pa.: Board of Publication of the Schwenck- 
felder Church ; Leipzig : Breitkopf and Hartel. 1907. 
M. 25. 

This is the first of seventeen volumes in which are to be 
gathered the writings of Schwenckfeld, his associates, and his 
important successors in that branch of the Church which 
bears his name, the concluding volume of the series being de- 
voted to a biography, in which the writings and influence of 
Schwenckfeld are to be critically and historically evaluated 
by President Hartranft. 

Surely this is a colossal undertaking for a church number- 
ing only 1,000 members, which has already expended upon 
the undertaking upward of $40,000. Yet it must be regarded 
as justified, not merely as an act of filial devotion, but as a 
worthy recognition of the great importance and unique posi- 
tion of Schwenckfeld in the history of the Reformation. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Natices of Recent Publications. 397 

Of noble birth, yet a true democrat; without orders, yet a 
profound and logical theologian; in intimate relations with 
all the various phases of thought into which the leaders of the 
Reformers diverged; an individual who thought for himself 
and would follow neither Luther nor Zwingli; advocate of 
religious liberty and of the right of private assembly, — 
Schwenckfeld in his opinions had much more in common with 
our time than any other Reformer, and the study of his writ- 
ings, with the help of the elaborate critical and historical notes 
with which they are accompanied, may alter in many partic- 
ulars our opinions as to the history of the early years of the 

This volume is devoted to seven documents, written by 
Schwenckfeld during the years 1521-1524. In general the 
order is : first the text of the document, preceded by a bibliog- 
raphy and followed by a translation into English; then crit- 
ical notes, often of great length, in which are discussed the 
language, the history, and the theology of the document. 
Where the extent of the document justifies it, there follows 
a vocabulary. 

The work, therefore, will have significance, not only to the 
church historian, and to the theologian, but also to the student 
of the German language. 

It is to be hoped that the sale of this first volume will be 
such as to make possible the continuation of this worthy en- 

Oberlin, Ohio. Azariah S. Root. 

Luther's Table Talk: A Critical Study. (Columbia Uni- 
versity Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law, 
Vol. XXVI. No. 2.) By Preserved Smith, Ph.D. 8vo. 
Pp. 135, New York: The Macmillan Company. 1907. 
Paper, $1.00. 

This book furnishes a fine example of the technique of mod- 
em criticism. It is a study in bibliography, splendidly scien- 
tific and exhaustive, leaving nothing from that point of view 
to be desired. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

398 Notices of Recent Publications. [April, 

He treats critically the twelve sources of the Luther Tisch- 
reden and Tagebiicher. The nine chapters of the book present 
all the important phases of the subject, and as the chapters are 
not exclusive some of the phases ai^>ear more than once. His 
judgment is probably correct that only the original notes, and 
those preserved in Mathesius should be relied on, and that 
the final collections of Lauterbach and Aurifaber are too unre- 
liable for use. He would therefore seek to restore the chron- 
ological order as the only historical one, and he would like to 
see a text in which the sources for each saying should be clear- 
ly indicated. What cannot be placed in chronological order 
should go to an appendix. As to these original sources (not 
the collections), he thinks " the greatest faith can be {daced in 
Lauterbach, Dietrich, Schlaginhaufen, and almost as much in 
Mathesius, Besold, and Heidenreich. 

Dr. Smith shows himself a bright writer; and even in this 
technical study he has inserted many interesting glimpses into 
the life of Luther. This " Table-Talk phase," taking as it does 
the personal and half-conscious life of a great man as its sub- 
ject, has much in it. Such literature is always subject to grave 
misuse, when held too rigidly to the cold rules of scientific his- 
tory. But Dr. Smith has shown such a real insight into the 
charms as well as intricacies of his subject that one could wish 
him to carry his task into the production of a book showing 
not only what Luther said in reality, and the occasion which 
called it out, but the personal and broad significance of it all 
in the psychology of the man. Albert T. Swing. 

Life in the Homeric Age. By Thomas Day Seymour, 
Hillhouse Professor of the Greek Language and Literature 
in Yale University. 8vo. Pp. xvi, 704. New York: The 
Macmillan Company. $4.00, net. 

This book exemplifies the thoroughness which the author 
carried into everything that he did. It is, however, not only 
a work of prodigious industry, but will appeal to all who have 
an interest in the Homeric poems. In the preface we are told 
that "the author's point of view has been philological, not 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] Notices of decent Publications. 399 

archaeological. From the poef s language he has attempted to 
discover what was before the poet's mind." Only a protracted 
and S3rmpathetic study could have produced a book so schol- 
arly and so fascinating. Most readers will be surprised at the 
abundance and appositeness of the illustrations from the Bible. 
To his students Professor Seymour had been known as a pro- 
found and reverent student of the Scriptures, and it is surpris- 
ing to note how much light is shed and how much the inter- 
pretation has been helped by Hebrew parallels. In the nine- 
teen chapters which make up the book, the endeavor has been 
made, and on the whole successfully, to cover the whole of 
Homeric antiquities. The typography is inviting, the binding 
attractive. Illustrations are not numerous, since the author 
"seeks to set forth with regard to the Homeric antiquities 
simply what may be learned from the Homeric poems them- 
selves, with such illustration as is obvious or naturally pre- 
sented from other sources." In the Bibliography one misses 
the name of Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, altlK>ugh the brilliant 
German is twice referred to in the text. The only serious 
criticism (criticism which applies to the book only as a work 
of reference) is the absence of an index of the passages in 
the poems referred to in the text. Such an index would have 
occupied several pages (the passages referred to in eight- 
bodes of the Odyssey, Books V-XII, number between seven 
and eight hundred), but would have enhanced the value of 
the book. Every reader of " Life in the Homeric Age " will 
find a new interest in the poems and will take them up with 
added zest. It is an important contribution to the literature 
of the subject and a notable monument of American scholar- 

Oberlin, Ohio. Charles B. Martin. 

Woman : Her Position and Influence in Ancient Greece and 
Rome, and among the early Christians. By James Donald- 
son, M.A., LL.D., Principal of the University of St. An- 
drews. 8vo. Pp. 278. London: Longmans, Green and 
Co. 1907. $1.60. 

This rather sketchy treatment of an important subject is 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

400 Notices of Recent Publications. [April. 

presented in four books c«- divisions, which are reprints, with 
various additions and some revision, of five articles that ap- 
peared in the Contemporary Review twenty to thirty years 
ago. The arrangement of matter is chronological. The first 
book deals with the position and influence of woman in ancient 
Greece. The virtues of Homeric and Spartan women are ex- 
tolled, and Sappho and Aspasia are defended and praised. 
Book II. considers the position and influence of women in an- 
cient Rome. The marriage reforms of Augustus are briefly 
described, and the view is expressed, undoubtedly the correct 
one, that the morals of the first century of the Roman Empire 
were not really as bad as they are painted if we compare the 
state of affairs in other countries and periods. The descrip- 
tions of Martial and Juvenal are to be taken cum grano salis. 
They are what we should call to-day, in referring to news- 
paper writing, merely " sensational," that is, they record the 
unusual or striking events, not the typical or representative 
ones. Book III. passes to the period of early Christianity and 
explains the subsequent degradation of women. The closing 
book is supplementary to the chapters dealing with these three 
periods and is in the nature of an appendix. A list of books 
closely related to the subject is appended to the whole, but 
while this is quite long, some indispensable references, such as 
Dill and Marquardt, are not mentioned. Little has been writ- 
ten in English on the status of women in ancient Greece and 
Rome, and while Principal Donaldson devotes 250 pages to 
this theme, his book is necessarily brief and is moreover cast 
in an almost entirely popular form. 

Ann Arbor, Mich, Walter Dennison. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 


PARTIAL CONTENTS— Volume VI., 1907. 

Climate and History in Western Asia (5 Illustrations). By E. Cutler Shedd. 

Developnrvent of the System of Boundary Fortifications In Britain !and Germany 
under the Roman Empire. By George H. Allen. 

Troglodyte Dwellings of Bakhitchi-Saral (11 lUustratlions). 

. By G. Frederick Wright. 
The McEvers Mounds, Pike County, 111. (2 Illustrations). By Clara K. Bayliiss. 
The Nebraska Loess Man (5 Illustrations). By I?x>bert F. Gilder. 

Ancient Inhabitants of Nebraska (5 Illustrations). By Erwin H. Barbour. 

Roman North Africa (8 Illustratljons). By C. Densmore Curtis. 

Prehistoric Man in Nebraska. By E. E. Blackman. 

Mound Builders of the Mississippi Valley (7 Illustrations). By Richard Herrmann. 
Palestine Exploration Fund. By Theodore F. Wright. 

A Primitive Cattle Shrine In Asia Minor (3 Illustrations). By George E. White. 
Nehawka Flint Quarries (6 Illustrations). By E. E. Blackman. 

The Autobiographic Element in Latin Literature and Inscriptions (5 Illustra- 
tions). By Henry H. Armstrong. 

Site of Ancient Persepolis (4 Illustrations). By Thomas F. Nelson. 

Preserving Wiscohsln Mounds (2 Illustrations). By Frank A. Flower. 

Pre-lndian Inhabitants of North America (16 Illustrations). 

By Newton H. Wlnchell. 
Work of the Ohio Archaeological Society. 
Ancient Pottery Furnaces. 

Lead Furnaces. By Frank A. Flower. 

Soul-Houses In Egypt (8 Illustrations). By W. M. F. Petrie. 

Relics of the Stone Age from Taltal, Chile. 

Archaeological Work of the University of California. By A. L. Kroeber. 

Amber in Asia. 

The Evolution of the Greek Fret (8 Illustrations). By Eunice G. Allyn. 

Greek Draped Figure at Vassar (6 Illustrations). By ESdmund von Mach. 

Maya Ruins in Quintana Roo. By Count Maurice de Perigny. 

The Swastika. By Charles De W. Brower. 

The Hittite Capital, Boghaz-keuy and Its Environs (12 Illustrations). 

By George E. White. 

New Light on Babylonian Chronology. 

The Rock of Cashel (4 Illustrations). By St. John Seymour. 

Interdependent Evolution of Oases and* Civilizations. 

Egyptian Research Account. 

An Archaeological Tour through Sicily with a Camera (22 Illustrations). 

By Edward W. Clark. 

The Beginnings of Iron. 

A Palaeolithic Implement from the Loess (2 Illustrations). By Luella A. Owen. 

Roman Portrafit Head in Vassar College (6 Illustrations). By Edmund von ISlach. 

The Liver in Babylonian Divination (5 Illustrations). By Albert T. Clay. 

Adolf Furtwangler. By Bdm-und von Mach. 

Huntington's "Explorations In Cetitral Asia" (5 Illustrations). 

By Frederick Bennett Wright 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

specimen Lines from the Catalogue 


Cbarles Ibiofoam & Son 

Ancestor (The). Edited by Oswald 
Babron, F.S.A. 12 vols., sin. folio, £2 
2s. 1002-5 

Anglo - CathoKc Theology (Tlie Lil)rary 
of). 88 vols., 8vo, £4 148. (id. 

O J- fold. 1H41 

Arbuthnott Mbtal (The). [Edited hy 
Bp, Forbes.] 4to, £3 38. 

Burntisland, 18(54 
Bampton Lectures (The): a complete 
SET, 1780 to 1907, 122 vols., 8vo, £35. 
BaptisU (The History of the English), 
by Thomas Crosby, 4 vols., sm. 8vo, 
£3 3s. 173840 

Bemardi (St.) Clarw-Vallensis, Opera 
Omnia, 4 vols., roy. 8vo, £2. , 1839 
Biblia Polyglotta edit. Walton us, cum 
Castelli Lexicon, 8 vols., folio, £8 8s. 

Biblical Archaeology (Society of) : 
Transactions and Proceedings, 32 
vols., 8vo, £6 Gs. 1872-1901 

Billings (R.W.) Baronial and Ecclesi- 
astical Antiquities of Scotland, 4 vols., 
4to, £3 38. 1*K)1 

Book of Common Prayer (The): 1549- 
1844, Pickering's Reprints^ 7 vols, fo- 
lio, £7 7s. 1844 

of King Edward VII.: Essex 

House Press Edition, folio, £5 5s. 


Boole (G.) An Investigation of the 
Laws of Thought, 8vo, 1£ 158. 

Bradshaw Society (Henry). Vols. I. to 
XXXIV., 30 vols, in 8vo and 4 in 4to, 
£20. 1891-1907 

t British Quarterly Review (The) : a com- 
plete set, 83 vols., 8vo, £14 148. 


Buxtorfu (Joh.) P. Lexicon Chaldai- 
cum, edldit B. Fischerus, roy. 8vo, £2 
17s. Od. 18(n) 

Christian World Pulpit (The) : A com- 
plete SET to Dec. 1907, 72 vols.. 4to, 

Church Congress Reports: a complete 
SET, to 1900, 40 vols., 8vo, £4 lOs. 
Church Quarterly Review (The) : a 
COMPLETE SET, to April, 1908. 8vo, £0 

158. \ 

Daniel (H. A.) Thesaurus Hyninolog- 
icus, 5 vol§., 8vo, £(l 1S41-1856 

Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiie Uni- 

verssB, 4 vols., 8vo, £2 12s. 6d. 

Expositor (The), edited by S. Cox, D.D., 
W. R. NiCHOLL, D.D., 72 vols., 8vo, £8 
10s. 1875-1907 

Grub (G.) An Ecclesiastical History 
of Scotland, 4 vols., 8vo, £1 16s. 1861 
Hefele (Dr. C. J.) und Card. Hergen- 
ROTHER, Conciliengeschichte, 9 vol.^.. 
8vo, £2 12s. Od. 1873-90 

Hereford Missal (The). Edited by Dean 
Henderson. 8vo, £2. 

[Privately Printed.] 1874 
Hibbert Lectures (The) : best edi- 
tion, 15 vols., 8vo, £2 lOs. 1878-94 
Hook (Dean) Lives of the Archbish- 
ops of Canterbury, 12 vols., 8vo, £4 
128. Gd. 1800-70 

Husenbeth (F. C.) D.D. Emblems of 
Saints. Third Edition, 8vo, £2 10s. 

Journal of Sacred Literature (The) 40 
vols., 8vo, £2 17s. Od. 1848-08 

Law (Rev. W.) Notes and Materials 
for an adequate Biography of him, 8vo, 
£1 lis. tkl. 1854 

Library of Fathers (A) of the Holy 
Catholic Church, 48 vols., 8vo, £10 10s. 

Mischna, notls illustravlt Q. Suren- 
Husius, vols., follOj £5 5s. 

Amstelwdami, 1008-1702 

Full particulars concerning the above-named, or any other books ■ wanted,* may 
be obtained from the Advertisers. Also — gratis and postpaid — periodically-published 
Catalogues of additions to their very extensive stock. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

HISTORY," FOR $3.25. 


THE JLN26ir:03 


A Religious and Sociological Quarterly 









THE PLAGUES OF EGYPT (I.) - Edward M. Merrlns. 401 

THE SAMARITAN SABBATH. - • Jacob, Son of Aaron. 430 


A. A. Berle. 445 

THE PREACHER AND THE TIMES. - William J. Hutchins. 452 


George Walter Fiske. 465 


THE UNITAS FRATRUM. .... Louis F. Miskovsky. 5fO 

HOMER AND THE HIGHER CRITICS. - William Wallace Everts. 531 


Lucien C. Warner. 557 

EVOLUTION AND THE MIRACULOUS. - - Gabriel Campbell 572 





Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

scientific Confirmations of Old Testament History 


— D.D., LL.D., F. G. S. A. ■ 


** The upi>earan(?e of Dr. Wright's book at the present juncture is extremely 
opportune. Tlie battle of Higher Critlrism has in great measure run on Haii^uistie 
and hiBtorlcal lines* and if there be aiij' reference to science la connectioa with the 
earlier books of the Bible it i.*i as a rule a contemptuous brushing aside of the idea 
that Bibiutal science and latter-day science could i)ossibly be in accord, as when in 
a recent book we read '[Genesis i.l Is a veritable Old Man of the Sea to commen- 
tators.' Dr. Wright has travelled widely for the sake of exploration in Ixtth the 
Old and New World, and does not, like too many professors on this side of the 
Afiantic, reconstruct tiie scheme of tlie Bll>le from his study chair." — The Record 

"The title of this work is fully juf^Utied by its learned eMuieuts. No thoughtful 
mind — no sincere searcher for the truth— can give due consideration to the vast ac- 
cumulation of scieutiflc facts arranged by the autlior in this ^volume and fail to l>e 
confirmed in a belief of the accuracy of the historical statements of the Old Testa- 
ment. It is a marvelous unfolding of the geological events of the post-Tertiary 
period, well calculated to incite the general reader to a closer study of its signifi- 
cant and overwhelming facts, which invite investigation on every hand. The dis- 
cussion is also eminently worthy of the attention of geologists, many of whom, the 
author observes, are so engrossed In their particular studies that they have little 
leisure or inclination to consider the action of geological forces In their more gen- 
eral ai>plication. . . . We consider Dr. Wright's book a most valuable contribution to 
the literature of scieutiflc Bible defence, and wish for it a very wide circulation." — 
English Churchman. 

** Tlie facts brought to light are of supreme interest, and may modify some of 
the conclusions of Old Testament criticism,"— Bntish CornjrcgatiotiaUst. 

*'The most important part of the book is undoubtedly the extended treatment 
from chaps, vi. to xi. of tlie Biblical account of the Noachian Deluge in its relation 
to tlie facts of science. Here the author writes on a subject in relation to which he 
has* first-hand knowledge and Is an admitted expert, and the mass of facts be accu- 
mulates from all parts of the globe seem to prove beyond dispute the reality of a 
great catastrophe after or in connection with the close of the glacial period, which 
swept away the forms of life then existing, and made a complete l»reak between 
older and newer man.'* — James Orb. D.D., liomiletiv Rcmctc. 

•* If the destructive critics and the skeptics who attack the Old Testament were 
only open to argument, tliis book would settle the ouestlon for them. . . . The last 
chapter is the best discussion of its subject we have seen. The whole book Is 
strengthening and even inspiring. Whoever would b*^ Ti..stcv,i slimiLl epr this ntlmir- 
able work."— Dr. T. T. Eaton, Western Recorder. 

'* He is very happy in his style of telling us what lie has socn, and why he in- 
terpreted it as he does, and what is the bearing of his work on the Bible. The vol- 
ume bids fair to be rea>gnized as the standard work on the imywrtant subject of 
Pentateuchal physics ; just as explorations of the ruins of Chaldea, Assyria, and 
Egyytt have enlightened us as to Old Testament historicity." — Dr. G. MacijOskie, 
Friiweton Rericu\ ^ 

^^ The Bibliotheca Sacra Company ■ 


Studies in Biblical Law 


Harold M. Wiener, M,A,^ LL. B. 




" As a whole, these * Studies * are of nnnsual worth. They accomplish for cer- 
tain Old Testament themes what Greenleaf, I^srttleton, and West did in New Testa- 
ment lines .... no one will donbt that the author has attempted a most important 
task and has succeeded well. He has done much to clear the atmosphere where 
there was overmuch fog. The work deserves to be well known among all students 
of the older part of God's Word." — Review and Eofpositor. 

" It is bold and refreshing .... our writer goes over ground trodden nearly 
two thousand years ago by the sages of the Mishnah ; but he strikes out in his own 
line and stands forth much more logical than the old Pharisaic doctors." — New 
York Evening Post. 

"There is no doubt that in this examination of the Biblical jural laws Mr. 
Wiener has opened up a new and valuable source of information as to the dates of 
the various books of the Pentateuch." — Academy, 

". . . . both moral and interesting. . . . The method employed is an ingenious and 
skillful application of the principles of legal interpretation to texts in apparent con- 
flict"— JJarrard Law Review. 

" In the simplest and quietest way, though with a very firm grasp of the sub- 
ject, the author shows the impossibilities, and in some cases the real absurdities, of 
certain contentions of modem criticism; and in our judgment he clearly convicts 
the writers .... referred to of sacrificing reality and common-sense to matters of 
philological theory. . . . We recommend this volume to the careful attention of our 

readers."— »<7ftMrc/iman ( London ) . 


''Altogether the volume is one of great importance and value."— BlftZio^^kiSO* 

London : David Nutt 
57-69 long acre 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

A List of Helpful Books ^^^ christian Workers 

Charlotte Vander Veen 
The Thioffs That Make a Woman 

The secret for the very large sale 
of this booklet is the beautiful message 
so delightfully told. Cloth, 25c. 

W. E. Biederwolf, D.D. 
The ChrUtian and Amiuements 

A most acceptable treatment of this 
difficult subject, not harsh, but con- 
vincing. Cloth, 25c. 

George W. Gere 
Did Jetiu RUe? 

A larger View of the resurrection, 
bound in Gray Silk Cloth, 25c. 

Mary W. Bronton 
His Suterl 

Is a beautiful character sketch of 
Jesus. The creating facts of Christ's 
Daily Life and Surroundings — in story 
form. Intensely Interesting. 35c. 

Edwin J. Hellenback 
Passion for Souls 

One man has said of this book, that 
if a publishing house never put out an- 
other book, their mission would have 
been plain, for having issued so great 
a work as this. Another man recently 
gave us an order for 7,000 copies in 
special edition for free distribution. 
These testimonials speak for them- 
selves. Cloth, 40c 

James M. Gray, D.D. 
How to Master the English Bible 

Dr. Gray's success in stimulating 
and effectually directing Bible study 
has exerted an influence international 
in scope. The secret of the results of 
Dr. Gray's Bible teaching Is given in 
this book. It sets forth the excellency 
of his expository methods of Bible 
Btudy. Cloth, 40c. 

The Famous Growing Series 

It is hard to conceive of a more help- 
ful or entertaining set of books. 
Beautifully bound, 50c. 

The Growing Pastor 

James G. K. McClure, D.D. 
The Growing Church 

Cleland Boyd McAfee, D.D. 
The Growing Christian 

W. E. Biederwolf, D.D. 50c. each 
"Sensible, practical and well illus- 
trated by anecdote and simile, these 
talks, suggested by the New Testa- 
ment accounts of and references to 
the church at Ephesus, are worthy of 
a wide circulation among all evangel- 
ical Chri8tlans."--The Congregatlon- 


Daniel H. Martin. 
Concerning Them Which Are Asleep. 

Fine art binding. 50c. 

A l>eautiful booklet charmingly 
printed, with a strong and strengthen- 
ing message of comfort to those who 
mourn. Here where there is so much 
danger of mere sentimentality, it is re- 
freshing to find good common sense 
combined with gentlest sympathy and 
highest spirituality. 

A beautifully bound little book, which 
from title to finish is a source of com- 
fort to all who mourn the loved ones 
"who are not dead,, but sleep in Je- 

Helen E. Starrett 
Letters to a Daughter. 60c 

This wonderful book has gone into 
its second edition, and is performing a 
remarkable ministry. The letters are 
on practical subjects, and are de- 
signed to guide the "daughters" who 
read them into safe channels of 
thought and industry. The book is 
very choice. It is bound in rich brown 
boards, with labels for title and au- 
thor's name. Unique and chaste. 

Melvin E. Trotter 
Jimmy Moore of Bucktown. 75c 

This is a splendid book, and none 
should fail to secure a copy and read It. 

Mr. Trotter is an original fellow, and 
does nothing in a conventional way. 
The skill he has displayed in delineat- 
ing the characters Is indeed remarka- 
ble. The story Is al>sorblngly Interest- 
ing from beginning to end, and despite 
the fact that his theme is a religious 
one, the book is absolutely free from 
cant and dogmatism. In fact. It does 
not read like a religious book at all, 
and everyone who picks it up will be 
entranced by the freshness of the style, 
the novelty of the situations and the 
naturalness of the characters. There 
is not a dull page or a prosy line in 
the volume, and it ought to have a 
record-breaking sale. 

Joel C. Massee, D.D. 
Evangelism in the Pew. 75c 

This great book is one of our latest 
publications and one of which we are 
Justly proud. The theme is vital and 
one which is bound to attract atten- 
tion. The mission of the layman is 
thought by some to be the greatest 
ministry of the day. The writer of 
this unique book has a live message to 
deliver. Read this book — ^and pass it 

: 24 Adams St., CHICAGO 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

Latest ^^ Open Courf Publications 

AVESTA ESCHATOLOGY, compared with the Books of Daniel and 
Revelation. By Lawrence H. Mills. 85 pp. Boards. Price 50c. Ex- 
tra edition, Strathmore paper, gilt top. Price 75c. 

of Aaron, High Priest of the Samaritans. Edited with an introduction 
by William Eleazar Barton. Price 25c. 

Religions: Ancient and Modern 

The Series is intended to present to a large public the salient features of the Gbeat 

Religioitb of the Human Race. The Volumes already published have 

met with most gratifying appreciation. 

Fcap, 8vo. Cloth, 40 cents net per z*ohcme 


Animism. By Edward Clodd. Hinduism. By Dr. L. D. Bamett. 

Pantheism. By James Allanson Ancient China. By Prof. Giles. 

Picton. Ancient Greece. By Jane Har- 
Celtic Religion. By Professor rison. 

^^^y^' Babylonia and Assyria. By 

Mythology of Ancient Britain Theophilus G. Pinches. 

AND Ireland. By Charles j^^^^ g Syed Ameer Ali, M.A. 

Squire. -^ -^ 

Ancient Egypt. By Professor Religion of Ancient Rome. By 

W. M. Flinders Petrie. ^yril Bailey, M.A. 

Scandinavian Religion. By W. Judaism. By Israel Abrahams. 

A. Craigie. Shinto : The Ancient Religion 

Magic and Fetishism. By Dr. of Japan. By W. G. Aston, 

A. C. Haddon. C.M.G., LL.D. 

in preparation 

ISLAM IN INDIA. By T. W. Arnold, Assistant Librarian at the India 

Office, Author of "The Preaching of Islam." 
BUDDHISM. 2 vols. By Professor T. W. Rhys Davids, LL.D. 

Jackson, Professor of Iranian at Columbia University. 

Black, LL.D., Joint Editor of the "Encyclopaedia Biblica." 

The Open Court Publishing Co. 

\3>Tl Wabash Avenue : Chicago 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


The Oldest Iheok^al Quarterly in America 

Prof, G, Frederick Wright, D.D., LL.D,, Editor 

RcT. Fnmk H. Foster, D.D., Ph.D., Olivet, Michigan. 

Rev. James Lindsay, D.D., Kilmarnock, Scotland. 

Rer. D. W. Simon, D.D., Bradford, England. 

Rey. Hugh M. Scott, D.D., Chicago Theological Seminary, Chicago, 111. 

Rev. Charles F. Thwing, D.D., Pres. Western Reserve University, Cleveland, O. 

Rev. Newell Dwight Hillis, D.D., Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Rev. A. A. Berle, D.D., Salem, Mass. 

Rev. W. E. Barton, V>,V>.^ Chicago, 111. 

Rev. Henry A. Stimson, D.D., New York City. 

Rev. William Edwards Park, D.D., Oberlin, Ohio. 

Herbert William Magoun, Ph.D., Cambridge, Mass. 

4 As heretofore the Bibliotheca Sacra will aim to meet the wants of the more intdL 
gent public, both lay and clerical of all denominations, in the publication of thorough 
discussions of all tc^ics of permanent interest touching the Christian rdigion. Promi- 
nence will continue to be given to Biblical Criticism in its various departments ; The<Jogy 
in its doctrinal, historical and practical aspects; and the Relation of Philosophy, 
Science, and Oriental Discoveries to the Bible. 

4 In addition to the continued interest of the able corps of Associate Elditors, special 
advantages may be expected to result the coming year from the fact that Dr. Simon is 
to take up his permanent residence in Germany, and hence will be able to furnish fresh 
information from the center of intellectual movements. 

4 On account of the freedom of the Editor from the routine duties of his professorship, 
he will be able to give increased attention to the interests of the Bibliotheca Sacra, and 
adapt it still more perfectly to the deepest needs of the time. The Quarterly will con- 
tinue its elaborate and conservative discussion of the great sociological questions that are 
agitating the century, but will, as heretofore, be devoted mainly to discussions by com- 
petent authorities of the profound theological and critical problems which are agitating 
the entire Christian public. While remaining loyal to the historic faith of Christendom, 
it will aim to welcome and aid all real progress in every department of human activity. 
On account of its long standing, and its undenominational character, the Bibliotheca 
Sacra probably has a wider circulation than any other American publication. Through 
it the ablest writers can at once reach every center of thou^t in the worid. While not 
aiming at ephemeral popularity, in a marked degree it accomplishes the purpose of in- 
fluencing the thought that m the end moves the wmid. Whatever periodicals of a more 
popular character are taken by pastors, theological students, and the more intelligent 
laymen, such thorough discussions as appear in the Bibliotheca Sacra are indiyensable 
to a complete mastery of the great themes that are constantly coming to the surface 
m modem thought Address, 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 






The general influence of the current teaching of science 
seems unfavorable to the growth and maintenance of a sturdy 
faith in the good providence of God. That He not only gov- 
erns the nations of the earth and leads them to their appointed 
destiny, but that his care extends to the smallest matter of the 
individual human life, in the words of Jesus, the very hairs 
of the head being numbered ; that it includes within its minis- 
trations all forms of animal life, the raven being fed by Him, 
and the sparrow not falling to the ground without his knowl- 
edge ; in fine, that " He is ever present with His works one 
by one, and confronts everything He has made by His partic- 
,ular and most loving providence, and manifests Himself to 
each according to its needs," are comfortable statements not 
easily believed by this generation. Science disclaims all 
knowledge of a God to whom such epithets as holy, wise, 
loving, can be applied ; nor does it acknowledge that He con- 
trols all natural laws for his own gracious purposes. There 
is a First Cause, but it is inscrutable. Man can trace the laws 
of nature, but of their real essence he knows nothing; all he 
can be sure of is that throughout the wide domains of time. 
Vol. LXV. No. 259. 1 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

402 The Plagues of Egypt. [July, 

space^ matter, and life these laws reign- supreme, being uni- 
versal, uniform, inexorable. So it has con»e to pass that even 
religious teachers regard as incredible those exceptional epi- 
sodes in the lives of individuals, or in the history of nations, 
recorded in the Scriptures, which were held to be special or 
marvelous manifestations of God's power for the good of the 
world. In the judgment of the most outspoken, the miracu- 
lous narratives of the Bible, when not regarded as poesies, are 
stultifying to science and common sense, antagonistic to the 
higher activities of true faith, and an intelligent man who 
affirms his belief in them does not know what intellectual 
honesty means. 

Such uncompromising, unequivocal statements are rather 
disconcerting to the ordinary believer, who is unable to rise 
quickly to new! altitudes of faith, or without strength to ac- 
company these religious guides along a path described by 
themselves sls a via dolorosa. This is not to be wondered at, 
for consider some of the issues involved. By faith Moses, at 
the time of the exodus, instituted the Passover and the sprink- 
ling of blood, that the destroyer of the first-bom of the Egyp- 
tians should not touch the Hebrews. For thousands of years 
the Jews have celebrated annually this deliverance, strength- 
ening faith in their own siriritual vocation, and finding comfort 
in their troubles and adversities, by recalling what God did for 
their ancestors. " O God, v/e have beard with our ears, and 
our fathers have declared unto us, the noble works that thou 
didst in their days and in the old time before them : O Lord, 
arise, help us, and deliver us for thine honor." This in eflFect 
has been their constant prayer. This ancient deliverance is 
•now said' to be a pious myth. God did not set his signs in 
Egypt, nor his wonders in the field of Zoan. "In truth, 
though the story of the plagues is not without interest, it is 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Plagues of Egypt. 403 

nothing but a theologoumenon/' ^ This is a hard saying, who 
can bear it? 

When the Apostle Paul in a famous argument contends for ' 
the absolute sovereignty of God over human life and history, 
having mercy on whom He will and hardening whom He will, 
the Pharaoh of the exodus is cited as an instance of one whose 
heart was indurated by the judgments of God. Now if the 
plagues are nothing but the invention of a pious imagination, 
or myths slowly developed, the citation, to say the least, is 
very unfortunate. But the sturdy Calvinist need not be dis- 
couraged. According to the writer just quoted, " God is not 
banished from the history of Israel, even if the Exodus was 
attended by no physical signs and wonders, no slaughter of the 
Egyptian first-born, no drowning of a hostile king in the Red 
Sea." The difficulty is that when an alleged historical event, 
as the migration of the Hebrews, is shorn of all its accompani- 
ments, and it stands isolated, unrelated to anything before or 
after, it also is soon declared incredible. 

Leaving the defense of the supernatural to abler writers, it 
is the modest purpose of this article to attempt to show that the 
narrative of the plagues, even when divested of all that can be 
called miraculous, is worthy of credence as the record of a 
series of remarkable national calamities culminating in a terri- 
ble outbreak of pestilence, an outbreak which perhaps Moses 
foresaw when he said to Pharaoh before the plagues began: 
"The God of the Hebrews hath met with us: let us go, we 
pray thee, three days' journey into the wilderness, and sacri- 
fice unto the Lord our God; lest he fall upon us with pesti- 
lence, or with the sword " (Ex. v. 3). 

In support of the credibility of the narrative from this point 
^Cheyne, Eneyelopoedia Bibliea, article "Plague." 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

404 The Plagues of Egypt. [July, 

of view, a few preliminary observations may not be out of 
place. If an exodus of the Hebrews from Egypt actually oc- 
curred at the beginning of their national history,— and all 
writers seem to concede this, — surely it was preceded by 
events which stirred profoundly the minds of the Egyptians 
and induced them to make the very heavy sacrifice invcrfved in 
the liberation. Slaves have seldom or never won emancipa- 
tion easily: a price has always been paid of some kind. It 
were an anachronism to suppose the migration was permitted 
from philanthropic motives. No other explanation is so easy 
to believe as the one given in Scripture, that the Hebrews 
were hurried out of the country because the Egyptians were 
pandc-stricken by disasters for which they held their slaves 

In the next place, a succession of disasters culminating in 
pestilence is not incredible. Other nations have had the same 
sad experience. In a.d. 1333 there was an epidemic of bubonic 
plague in China: in the central provinces it was preceded by 
parching drought and famine, then by violent torrents of rain 
and earthquakes ; in the southern provinces by drought, famine, 
a plague of locusts, and much sickness.^ Irak and Syria near 
the close of the same century were depopulated by a series of 
destructive earthquakes, followed by famine, epidemics, epi- 
zootics, and plague.* Epidemics of plague in the valley of the 
Euphrates in 1867, and again in 1873, were preceded by great 
inundations. Its outbreak in the province of Bengazi, North 
Africa, followed on four years' drought, when the greater part 
of the flocks and herds had perished from want of food and 
from disease, plague breaking out among the people when 

^Hecker, Epidemics of the Middle Ages. 
' Simpson, Treatise on Plague, p. 20. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Plagues of Egypt. 405 

they were suflFering most from famine, and when their phys- 
ical and social misery was greatest. Previous to a plague 
epidemic in Hongkong in 1894, several extraordinary phe- 
nomena were noticed, among them visitations of caterpillars, 
which attacked the trees and grain in such multitudes that the 
government had to take measures to destroy the pests. Ab- 
normal seasons preceded the plague in Bombay in 1896,^ and 
in Cape Town in 1901, where a rare comet was visible for 
several nights.^ 

Further, as great physical disasters have often led to social 
and political changes,* or have been synchronous with them, 
the mere fact that striking episodes in the history of other na- 
tions became invested in the course of time with a mythical 
halo, furnishes no strong argument, in and by itself, for doubt- 
ing the events of the exodus. History proves that when nation 
has risen against nation, and kingdom against kingdom, not 
infrequently there have been great earthquakes, famines, pes- 
tilences, and other calamities. When the Roman Empire was 
tottering to its fall, the general disorder was aggravated by 
an unusual train of calamities. Besides the ruin of society 
attendant on the invasion of the empire by barbarians, there 
came a succession of droughts, pestilences, and earthquakes, 
which seemed to keep pace with the throes of the moral world. 
It was under the pressure of these calamities that the Litany 
of the Episcopal Church, with its pleadings for deliverance 
from " lightning and tempest," " plague, pestilence, and fam- 

> Report, Health Officer of Bombay, 1896. 

* Simpson, op. cit., p. 142. 

*The severe visitation of plague in England in the reign of Ed- 
ward III. changed the system of land tenure, and led indirectly to 
the Protestant Reformation, as unworthy men then crept into the 
church as priests to fill the numerous vacancies caused by the 
plague, and their evil influence lived after them. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

406 The Plagues of Egypt. [July, 

ine," from " battle, murder, and sudden death," etc., was com- 
piled, and became a part of the ordinary church service.* 

Turning to modem history, in the year preceding the great 
French Revolution a severe drought was followed on the eve 
of the harvest by a hailstorm of extraordinary violence and 
extent, which destroyed the crops for sixty leagues round 
Paris. This was followed by the severest winter known for 
eighty years. In the spring and summer of 1789, food was at 
famine prices; throughout the land there was great distress. 
In July of the same year, the revolution began in earnest, the 
people being driven to it more by hunger and misery than by 
the desire for political freedom. Again, the course of Euro- 
pean history might have been very different had not the armies 
of Napoleon been overwhelmed by the snows of Russia, and 
had not the ships of the Spanish Armada which invaded Eng- 
land been scattered or destroyed by furious storms. "Not 
unto us, O Lord, not unto us, but unto thy name, be the glory," 
was the cry of the grateful nation at its wonderful and provi- 
dential deliverance. Yet if we had to rely on oral tradition 
only for our knowledge of these events, many in our day 
would regard them as inventions. 

It must also be added that in ancient times physical calami- 
ties affected a nation's course far more than they do now, be- 
cause all such visitations as plague, pestilence, and famine 
were invested with supernatural significance, being regarded 
as indications of the displeasure of the heavenly powers. In- 
deed, almost everything in the heavens above or in the earth 
beneath which arrested men's attention, eclipses, comets, 
streams of meteorites, thunder and lightning, storms, inun- 
dations, volcanic emptions, monstrous human and animal 

' Stanley, Christian Institutions, chap. xii. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Plagues of Egypt. 407 

births, — ^all were of punitive or ominous significance.* To pla- 
cate the displeasure of the gods, to avert the evils which it was 
believed would follow if it were not placated, a very heavy 
price was often paid. That a nation at the time of the exodus, 
terror-stricken by numerous disasters, should lift the yoke of 
bondage from a people whose God they were persuaded had 
sent the disasters, whom therefore they desired to appease, 
is not an event to stagger belief. Where the restraints of re- 
ligion and law are weak, the first movement of people smart- 
ing under great misfortune may be to massacre, if they have 
the power, those who are the cause of it, especially if the latter 
belong to a poor, despised race against whom ill-feeling has 
long been smoldering ; " pogroms " still take place in Rus- 
sia, and in other Christian lands the Jews at various times 
have been slaughtered for oflFenses, real or imaginary, against 
the state. But the Egyptians were restrained by their relig- 
ious fears from such cruel reprisals. According to their own 
account, they felt an aversion, a dread of the Hebrews. 
Pharaoh had troubled dreams concerning them, and the 
oracles he consulted advised him to send the Hebrews away.^ 
This agrees with the words of the Psalmist, " Egypt was glad 

* " Cffisar, I never stood on ceremonies, 

Yet now they fright me. There is one within, 

Besides the things which we have heard and seen. 

Recounts most horrid sights seen by the watch ; 

A lioness hath whelped in the streets ; 

And graves have yawned and yielded up their dead ; 

Fierce, fiery warriors fought upon the clouds. 

In ranks and squadrons and right form of war, 

Which drizzled blood upon the capitol ; 

The noise of battle hurtled In the air. 

Horses did neigh, and dying men did groan, 

And ghosts did shriek and squeal about the streets." 

Julius Cwsar, 

" Josephus, Against Apion, i. 26-34. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

408 Th^ Plagues of Egypt. [July, 

wlien they departed; for the fear of them hod fallen upon 

On broad, general grounds, therefore, there is no strong 
argument, a priori, against the occurrence of the events re- 
corded in the Scriptures. The narrative is consistent in all 
its parts, and furnishes good and sufficient reasons for the 
exodus. Passing now to the consideration of the plagues sep- 
arately, the difficulties which may be encountered are not in- 
surmountable, if the historical imagination be given a little 


The waters of the Nile were turned into blood; the fish in 
the river died; the river stank, so thai the Egyptiajts could 
not drink of its waters. — In all ages the two scourges most 
dreaded by the Egyptians have been aridity and pestilence. 
The first plague seems to have been aridity, as the last was 
pestilence. The prosperity of Egypt, indeed its very life, de- 
pends on the Nile with its annual overflow. 

'' In the winter and sprlug it rolls a languid stream through a drj 
and dusty plain. But In the summer an extraordinary thing hap- 
pens. The river grows troubled and swift ; it turns red as blood and 
then green ; It rises, it swells, till at length overflowing its banks, it 
covers the adjoining lands to the base of the hills on either side. 
The whole valley becomes a lake from which the villages rise like 
islands for they are built on artificial mounds." 

The daily rise of the river was measured carefully by officials, 
who were able from long experience to predict what the crops 
and budget of the year would be. A high Nile meant abun- 
dance of food and general prosperity. A low Nile meant the 
reverse, for large tracts of land were then left unwatered and 
unproductive, with consequent dearth or famine and per- 
haps pestilence, as this in Oriental countries often accom- 
panies or follows famine. The failure of the waters to rise 
is generally caused by an imlmense accumulation of vegetable 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Plagues of Egypt. 409 

matter obstructing the channels of the river in its upper 

The extraordinary death of fish pcrints to a low Nile as 
having been the first plague, for the waters of a high Nile, 
though discolored, are not injurious to animal life, but are 
then most potable. To judge from an ancient hymn addressed 
to the god of the river, this death of fish when the waters were 
low caraiot have been an extremely rare event : — 
'' To his house he doth return, 

Like a priest for oracles, 

Shrinking to his urn ; 

Ck>meth forth just when he wills, 

From his mystic fane; 

By hi8 wrath the fish are slain; 

Then the hungry come before thee, 

For the waters they implore thee'' eta 

Of similar import are several passages of the Hebrew scrip- 
tures : — 

** Behold, at my rebuke I dry up the sea, I make the rivers a wil- 
derness; their fish stinketh, because there is no water, and dieth for 
thirst" (Isa. 1. 2). 

**And I will give over the Egyptians Into the hand of a cruel lord ; 
. . . And the waters shall fail from the sea, and the river shall be 
wasted and become dry. And the rivers shall stink; the canals of 
Egypt shall l>e minished and dried up ; the reeds and flags shall wither 
away. The meadows by the Nile, by the brink of the Nile, and all 
that is sown by the Nile, shall become dry, be driven away, and be 
no more" (Isa. xix. 4, 5). 

From these passages it is evident the fish died because of the 
scarcity of water, its turbidity, and offensiveness. 

The plague caused great public distress and anxiety. The 
agriculturists were dismayed by the prospect of a very poor 
harvest. The fishermen also lamented, and all they that were 
accustomed to cast angle into the Nile mourned, and they that 
spread nets upon the river languished (Isa. xix. 8). The dis- 
tress soon extended to all classes of the community, for the 

* Wright, Scientific Confirmations of Old Testament History, p. 74. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

410 The Plagues of Egypt. [July, 

drinking of impure water, the insufficiency of water for house- 
hcld and sanitary purposes, and the odors of decaying fish 
must have caused mluch discomfort and sickness.^ The plague 
was therefore "the beginning of sorrowis and great mourn- 
ings ; the beginning of famine and great death." 

How long the waters were retarded we know not, for the 
words, "and when seven days were fulfilled after that the 
Lord had smitten the river," do not niecessarily indicate the 
duration of the plague. It lasted until the waters returned to 
their proper channels by the breaking up or diversion of the 
" sudd," as the accumulation of vegetable matter is called.* 

As to the waters being turned into blood, perhaps the state- 
ment ought not to be taken too literally. The term " blood " is 
often used in a figurative sense in the Bible,' as indeed in all 

^ Humboldt relates that, In an ertiptlon of Cotopaxi, so many fish 
of the order Pimelodus were ejected that they poisoned the air all 
round; and it is recorded by Pouchet that near the end of the 
eighteenth century the town of Bourra was ravaged by a malignant 
fever, which was attributed to the miasmata arising from the decom- 
position of an enormous number of these fish vomited by a neigh- 
boring volcano (Simpson, Treatise on Plague, p. 189). 

' In A.a 1106 there was a period of low water which caused great 
alarm in Egypt Whereupon "the Sultan of Egypt sent an envoy 
with magnificent presents to the Emperor of Ethiopia, begging him 
to remove the cause of the Nile's failure in that year, and so save 
Egypt from the horrors of famine. The Ethiopian mcmarch was 
ultimately persuaded to suffer a dam to be opened that had turned 
the river, which taking its usual course, rose three cnbits in one 
day. . . . The envoy on his return received great honors from the re- 
lieved Egyptians." (Quoted from the Arabic historian Elmadn by 
Ward, Pyramids and Progress, p. 265; Wright, op. oit., p. 74.) 

•"For the waters of Dimon are full of blood" (Isa. xv. d). The 
threat to Pharaoh, king of Egypt: "I will also water with thy 
blood the land wherein thou swlmmest, even to the mountains ; and 
the water-courses shall be full of thee" (Ezek. xxxiL 6). The two 
witnesses of the Apocalypse "have power over the waters to turn 
them into blood," and when the second angel sounded the trumpet, 
"the third part of the sea became blood, and there died the third 
part of the creatures which were in the sea" (Rev. xl. 6; viii. 8). 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Plagues of Egypt. 411 

literature.^ In this connection it may sim^Jy ntean that the 
water, especially in the irrigation canals, was thick, stagnant, 
and oflFensive, as would be the case when the river was very 
low, and to this extent it resembled decomposing blood. If 
we are to understand that the water exactly resembled blood 
in all its qualities ; if, in the words of a devout exegete, " from 
bank to brae the tide of crimson gone swept on, hour after 
hour, and day after day,*' then the phenomenon observed by 
travelers, of the Nile and the Red Sea being turned red by 
" the presence and inconceivably rapid growth of microscopic 
animals (Infusoria) and minute cryptogamous plants of a red 
color," is suggestive of a possible explanation. 

It is doubtful if the first, or any of the plagues, struck such 
a blow at idolatry as to weaken its hold upon the Egyptians 
of that period ; but it is quite probable that all of them tended 
to undermine the popularity and power of Pharaoh. He was 
to the people their visible divinity, and upon his favor with the 
gods it was believed the prosperity and happiness of the coun- 
try depended. So run the inscriptions to the Pharaohs : — 

"Thus speaks Ptah-Totunen with the high plumes, armed with 
horns, the father of the gods, to his son who loves him : Thou yivi- 
fiest the inhabitants of the earth through thy commands, King 
Rameses. I have made thee an eternal king, a prince who lasts 
forever. I have bestowed on thee the dignity of the divine crown; 
thou govemest the two countries as a legitimate sovereign; I have 
given thee a high Nile, and it fills Egypt for thee with the abundance 
of riches and wealth ; there is plenty in all places where thou walk- 
est ; I have given thee wheat in profusion to enrich the two countries 
in all times; their corn is like the sand of the shore, the granaries 
reach the sky, and the heaps are like mountains. Thou rejoicest and 
thou art praised when thou «eest the plentiful fishing, and the mass 
of fishes which is before thy feet All Egypt is thankful toward 

* " Will all great Neptune's ocean wash this blood 

Olean from my hand? No, this my hand will rather 

The multitudinous seas incarnadine. 

Making the green one red." — Macbeth. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

412 The Plagues of Egypt. [July, 

With a low Nile, the mass of fishes dead, and the prospect of 
famine, it was hardly possible for the people to rejoice and 
praise their king. 


The land infested with frogs. — ^The monuments of Egypt 
abound in representations of frogs, toads, tortoises, and ser- 
pents, "creeping things" classed together in ancient times. 
The frog was taken by the Egyptians as an emblem of fer- 
tility, and its ideogram in their system of hieiroglyphics sig- 
nified a myriad. So the second plague was not a phenomenon 
new and astounding to the people vihom it afflicted. It was 
simply one of the natural troubles of the country greatly mag- 
nified. Then, as now, "in the height of the inundation, the 
abounding moisture quickens inconceivable mlyriads of frog^ 
and toads which swarm everywhere." 

As throwing light on this plague, allusion is sometimes 
miade to travelers' tales of showers of frogs having been seen 
in different parts of the world. The foundation of such re- 
ports is that after a period of drought showers of rain revivify 
and bring forth suddenly to common observation innumerable 
frogs which had lain concealed and torpid in the earth or 
under stones or other objects during the dryness. An inun- 
dation has the same effect, and it also produces the conditions 
most favorable to the development of batrachian spawn. 
Hence the old Egyptian belief, often mentioned by Greek 
writers, that frogs were born of the mud which the Nile fer- 
tilized at the annual inundation. The rising of the Nile and 
its overflow, after the drought of the first plague, led naturally 
to the second plague of swarms of frogs. 

The references to frogs in Egyptian literature are very 
scanty. One or two of the Egyptian deities of inferior rank 
were frog-headed. It is probable that religious customs and 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Plagues of Egypt. 413 

superstitions made the plague very hard to bear, especially if 
the Egyptians regarded, as we know the Hebrews did,^ the 
dead bodies of batrachians and reptiles with the utmost abhor- 
rence, the slightest contact, immediate or nw»diate, being held 
to carry defilement. 

According to the Scripture narrative, when the frogs died, 
the people "gathered them together in heaps: and the land 
stank." The defilement of the soil, and the poisonous effluvia 
from so many dead bodies, doubtless caused much sickness, 
and the way was certainly prepared for an epidemic. The 
plag^ must also have been a trial to those of weak, unstable, 
nervous organization, many womien and girls becoming hys- 
terical, for the frogs were continually being found in the most 
unlikely places : " frogs in the houses, frogs in the beds, frogs 
baked with the food in the ovens, frogs in the kneading- 

^ ". . . . the great lizard after its kind, and the gecko, and the land- 
crocodile, and the lizard, and the sand-lizard, and the chameleon. 
These are they which are unclean to you among all that creep : who- 
soever doth touch them, when they are dead, shall be unclean until 
the even. And upon whatsoever any of them, when they are dead, 
doth fall, it shall be unclean : whether it l>e any vessel of wood, or 
raiment, or skin, or sack, whatsoever vessel it l>e, wherewith any 
work is done, it must be put into water, and it shall l>e uncfean un- 
til the even; then it shall be clean. And every earthen vessel, 
whereinto any of them falleth, whatsoever is in it i^all be unclean, 
and it ye shall break. All food therein which may be eaten, that on 
which water cometh, shall be unclean. . . . And everything where- 
upon any part of their carcass falleth, shall be unclean: whether 
oven, or range for pots, it shall be broken in pieces: they are un- 
clean, and shall be unclean unto you" (Lev. xi. 2^-35). 

The words in these verses denoting animals are of uncertain mean- 
ing. Tzdl), variously translated as "tortoise," "land-crocodile," 
"great lizard," etc., may be the tadpole; and hooch, translated 
"chameleon," "monitor lizard," "land-crocodile," eta, may be the 
frog; cf. Arabic fceefc, Qreek Kod^y tOLtln coaxare (Speaker's Com- 
mentary). Ck>nsidering that, to the Jew, frogs were emblematic of 
the spirits of uncleanness (Rev. xvi. 13), it is more than likely they 
were included in the list of unclean animals. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

414 The Plagues of Egypt. [July, 

troughs worked up with the flour; frogs with their monot- 
onous croak, frogs with their cold slimy skins, everywhere, — 
from morning to night, fromi night to nwming, — frogs." 

Of this plague and the one preceding it is said, "And the 
magicians of Egypt did in like manner with their enchant- 
ments." The explanation usually offered by commentators is 
that the magicians, by sleight of hand or other conjuring trick, 
imitated the deeds of Moses. It is harci^to see how the waters 
of the Nile could have been altered, or multitudes of frogs 
produced, by sleight of hand. Others suppose that the ma- 
gicians were in alliance with evil spirits under the name of 
heathen gods, and by their aid did marvelous things. This 
also is unsatisfactory, for with the growth and dissemination 
of science there is an increasing disinclination to think the 
devil and other evil beings ever had the influence over the 
forces of nature which our forefathers believed they possessed.^ 

The true explanation of the sorcery of the Egyptian priests 
is to be sought in the beliefs and practices of religions in their 
more primitive stages. When knowledge of physical law is 
rudimentary, and the idea of its steadfast order has not been 
conceived, men think there is hardly any limit to the power 

*The great Christian traveler Marco Polo gravely relates that 
among the Thibetans ''are necromancers who by their infernal art 
perform the most extraordinary and delusive enchantments that 
were ever seen or heard of. They cause tempests to arise, accom- 
panied with flashes of lightning and thunderbolts, and produce many 
other miraculous effects." At the court of Kublai Khan, "the as- 
trologers or magicians sometimes display their skill in a wonderful 
manner; for if it should happen that the sky becomes cloudy and 
threatens rain, they ascend the roof of the palace where the grand 
khan resides at the time, and by the force of their Incantations they 
prevent the rain from falling and stay the tempest; so that whilst, 
in the surrounding country, storms of rain, wind, and thunder are 
experienced, the palace itself remains unaffected by these elements." 
In British India at the present tin^e there are many natives who 
credit the yogis with similar powers. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] TIte Plagues of Egypt. 415 

which they can acquire over nature, especially if, by prayers 
or threats, they can obtain the aid of the supernatural beings 
who control its forces.^ 

^ To be qnite frank, this is rather a difficult subject, for It has always 
been held in the Christian church, that prayers addressed to Ck>d 
may be effective In changing the weather. In the Prayer-book of 
the Episcopal Ohnrch, for example, are set prayers for fair weather, 
for rain, and for fruitful seasons. And there is warrant for this in 
Scripture. ''Elijah was a man of like passions with us, and he 
prayed fervently that it might not rain; and it rained not on the 
earth for three years and six months ; and he prayed again ; and the 
heaven gave rain, and the earth brought forth her fruit " (James v. 
17, 18). Among the heathen a similar belief in the efficacy of prayer 
for the same purposes may be held quite sincerely, and, starting from 
very similar premises, it is not easy to show by argument wherein 
they are wrong. Livingstone had an interesting conversation on 
this subject with a rain-maker of one of the South African tribes. 
Said the missionary, " So you really believe that you can command 
the clouds? I think that can be done by God alone." The rain- 
maker replied, "We both believe the very same thing. It is God 
that makes the rain, but I pray to him by means of these medicines, 
and, the rain coming, of course it is mine. It is I who made it for 
the Bakwena during many years, when they were at Shokwane; 
through my wisdom, too, their women became fat and shining. Ask 
them ; they will tell you the same." " But we are distinctly told, in 
the parting words of our Saviour," said Livingstone, that we can 
pray to God acceptably in His name alone, and not by means of med- 
icines." **Truly," replied the rain-maker, "but God told us differ- 
ently. He made black men first, and did not love us as He did the 
white men. He made you beautiful, and gave you clothing, and 
guns, and gunpowder, and horses, and wagons, and many other things 
about which we know nothing. But toward us He had no heart He 
gave us nothing except the assegai, and cattle, and rain-making ; and 
He did not give us hearts like yours. We never love each other. 
Other tril>es place medicines about our country to prevent the rain, 
so that we may be dispersed by hunger, and go to them and augment 
their power. We must dissolve their charms by our medicines. God 
has given us the knowledge of certain medicines by which we can 
make rain. We don't despise those things which you possess, 
though we are Ignorant of them; we don't understand your lx>ok, 
yet we don't despise it You ought net to despise our little knowl- 
edge though you are ignorant of it" This incident may serve to 
illustrate the controversial difficulties which Moses had with Jannes, 
Jambres, and other magicians. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

416 The Plagues of Egypt. [July, 

In the religious life of the ancient Egyptians, magic held a 
large and important part. It was invoked against all the dan- 
gers and disasters of the present as well as the future life. It 
was based on the notion of frightening one god by the terrors 
of a more powerful divinity, either by prayer placing the per- 
son requiring help under the protection of this divinity, or by 
the person actually assuming its name and authority.^ The 
magicians of Pharaoh doubtless spoke in the name and as- 
sumed the authority of the gods they considered to be the 
most serviceable in the circumstances. What was most de- 
sired by king and people, one would think, was the removal 
of the plagues, but the magicians did not attempt this; they 
were shrewd men and close observers of nature, and, called 
in when the plagues were only beginning, their incantations — 
and experience — enabled them to predict the continuance and 
increase of the plagues, which happened in due course. Thus 
for a time they were able to contend with Moses. 

^The alleged power of sorcery was tremendons. In the Egyptian 
Story of Setna, two formulas are mentioned. " If a man will recite 
the first, he will enchant the heaven, the earth, the Underworld, the 
mountains and the waters ; he will know the birds of the sky and all 
reptiles; he will see the fishes of the deep, for a divine power will 
cause them to come to the surface of the water. And if a man re- 
cite the second formula, then, although he lay in the grave, he shall 
take again the form which he had on earth ; he shall see the Sun god 
rising in the sky, and his divine cycle; he shall see the Moon god 
in his true form which he takes at his appearing." In one conjura- 
tion for a woman in labor, the gods are summoned to her help. 
Should they refuse to come, "then shall ye be destroyed, ye nine 
gods ; the heaven shall no longer exist, the five days over and above 
the year shall cease to be, offerings shall no more be made to the 
gods the lords of Heliopolis. The firmament of the South shall fall, 
and disaster shall break forth from the sky of the North. Lamenta- 
tions shall resound from the graves, the midday sun shall no longer 
shine, the Nile shall not bestow its waters of Immdatlon at the ap- 
pointed time." Absurd as the pretensions of sorcery may seem to 
us, the multitudes thoroughly believed in them long ago, and great 
was their fear of sorcery and of the sorcerers. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Plagues of Egypt. 417 


The dust of the earth becomes lice. The air swarms with 
insects. — As Egypt abounds with many forms of insect life, 
and the terms used in the Scriptures have not yet been prc^ 
erly defined, it is not easy to determine precisely the species of 
insects which tormented the Egyptians in these plagues. 

The " lice " were probably the dust ticks which are so com- 
mon in Egypt. This little creature fastens itself on its vic- 
tim, sucks the blood, and in a few hours distends from the 
size of a grain of sand to that of a pea. A traveler writes : " I 
have frequently seen dry desert places so infested with ticks, 
that the ground was perfectly alive with them, and it would 
have been impossible to have rested on the earth ; in such spots 
the passage in Exodus has frequently occurred to me as bear- 
ing reference to these vermin which are the gfreatest enemies 
to man and beast." * 

The plague of flies may have been unusual swarms of the 
common house-fly.* The same traveler relates : " The plagues 
of Eg3rpt were upon us; the common house-flies were in bil- 
lions, in addition to the cattle tormentor.'* The latter is a pe- 
culiar fly which, he says, invades the country shortly after the 
commencement of the rains, and tortures all the domestic ani- 
mals.* Extraordinary swarms of mosquitos probably in- 
creased the general discomfort. 

In addition to the bodily torment caused by these various 
insect pests, — ^and one must have lived in hot climates to know 
how severe this can be, — ^the third and fourth plagues were of 
evil omen, raising in the minds of the Egyptians the fear of 

* Sir Samuel Baker, The Nile Tributaries, p. 84. 

* This was probably ** the fly from the uttermost part of the rivers 
of Egypt" (Isa. ylL 18). In Ethiopia, where the riyers of Egypt are 

Vol. LXV. No. 259. 2 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

418 The Plagues of Egypt. [July, 

pestilence. Only recently have we come to understand the 
very important part taken by insects in the propagation of 
infective diseases, and therefore know that such fears were 
not without foundation. The germs of malaria, a disease com- 
mon in all parts of the world, and so common in ancient times 
as to contribute to the downfall of empires, are conveyed from 
one person to another by the bites of mosquitos. Prior to 
the sanitary improvements introduced by the British adminis- 
tration, malaria caused a heavy annual mortality in Egypt. 
The common house-fly spreads such diseases as leprosy, ty- 
plxMd fever, and occasionally bubonic plague, by becoming 
laden with pathogenic germs from contact with the sick or 
with their discharges, and then alighting on articles of food 
and drink, or upon open sores or wounds. The fleas which 
infest rats are the principal agents in spreading the plague. 
Many other diseases of men and animals are transmitted by 
means of insects. 

The old historians were not far wrong, therefore, in holding 
there was some relationship between extraordinary visitations 
of insects and subsequent outbursts of epidemic disease. Pre- 
ceding the Black Death of the fourteenth oenttuy, they state 
the insect tribes were wonderfully called into life.^ In recent 

the tributaries of the Nile, the Blue Nile and the Atbara, at the 
rising of the dog star there comes a terrible fly which drives even 
the wild beasts from the river banks, and destroys all flocks and 

Another Instance of certain seasonal conditions bringing into ac- 
tivity swarms of Insects is to be seen In the annual but sadden ap- 
pearance of green flies in Galcatta near the end of the rains. So 
great is their number that for several nights it is impossible to 
read with comfort except under a mosquito cartain. They get Into 
the food and drink, swarm around the lamps, and it is impossible 
to be comfortable for the few nights of their ephemeral existence. 
The flies disappear almost as suddenly as they come. 

^ Hecker, Epidemics of the Middle Ages. 

Digitized by Google j 

1908.] The Plagues of Egypt. 419 

times, Sablonowski, the scientist who in a measure antici- 
pated the discovery of the plague bacillus, has stated that 
during the Mesopotamian epidemic of plague in 1884, a spe- 
cies of fly appeared and disappeared concurrently with the 
plague, and he considers it helped to spread the contagion.^ 
In 1902 plague appeared in Australia; fleas were very numer- 
ous on the rats during the epidemic, but disappeared when it 
was over.* It is desired to lay emphasis on this manner of 
conveying disease, as it will be urged presently that the sixth 
and tenth plagues were epidemics of bubonic plague. 


The cattle in the Held, the horses, asses, and the camels are 
smitten with a fatal murrain. — " Murrain " is a term loosely 
used to designate several very infectious diseases of the lower 
animals. As epizootics have been common in all parts of the 
world from the earliest times, there is no particular reason for 
doubting the occurrence of this plague. The only difficulty 
is to determine its exact nature. The most common murrains 
are anthrax, foot and mouth disease, glanders, and rinderpest 
or cattle plague. Besides these, countries have their own pe- 
culiar murrains. Thus in India, at the present time, there is 
a disease, called " surra," which every year destroys thousands 
of the agricultural animals, and causes immense tracts of land 
to lie uncultivated; in certain districts it has destroyed every 
horse, sheep, and camel. The description of animial diseases 
in ancient records is very meager. A writer of the time of 
Nero, named Columella, records a plague among the cattle of 
Syria and surrounding districts which seems, from his de- 
scription, to have been rinderpest. Perhaps the fifth plague 

^Manson, Tropical Dlseasee (First ed.), p. 163. 
> Tldswell, Board of Health Report, Sydney, 1902. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

420 The Plagues of Egypt. [July, 

was rinderpest, as this disease has not infrequently visited 
Egypt, where the natives have always regarded it as the pre- 
cursor of bubonic plague. 

This plague fell heavily on the Egyptians. The destruction 
of cattle brought ruin to thousands, besides causing general 
distress from the great scarcity of animal food. Many in their 
hunger devoured meat which was tainted and fell victims to 
disease. The offensive emanations from the bodies of dead 
cattle left exposed, also caused much sickness. All the condi- 
tions were sucft as to promote the development of a widespread 
epidemic. When plague appeared in Maku, Persian Kurdis- 
tan, in 1863, it was noted that the infected district was per- 
vaded with the putrid emanations from the unburied bodies 
of cattle which had died from murrain. 


Men and beast are smitten ztnth boils and blains; boils ap- 
peared upon all the Egyptians, — ^If the boils and blains had 
aflFected human beings only, there would be no difficulty in 
finding among the diseases of Egypt one that might have been 
the plague. A modem traveler writes : — 

** The plague of boils broke out and eyery one was attacked more 
or less severely. Then came a plague of which Moses most have 
been Ignorant, or he wonld surely have inflicted it npon Pharaoh. 
This was a species of itch, which afTects all ages and both sexes 
equally ; it attacked all parts of the body, bnt principally the extrem- 
ities. The irritation was beyond description; small yesicles rose 
above the skin, containing a watery fluid, which, upon bursting, 
appeared to spread the disease." ^ 

There is also the " botch of Egypt " of which we read in the 

Bible : " The Lord shall smite thee in the knees, and in the 

legs, with a sore boil of which thou canst not be healed " 

(Deut. xxviii. 35). This was probably a complaint common 

^ Baker, The Nile Tributaries, p. 107. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] • The Plagues of Egypt. 421 

in many parts of the world, and known in Egypt as the " Nile 
sores." It consists of troublesome ulcers of the legs which ap- 
pear about the time of the date harvest in August and Sep- 
tember, and, in spite of all that is done for them^ last for about 
five months. 

These seasonal visitations, however, do not aflFect the lower 
animals to the extent called for by the sixth plague ; nor does 
small-pox, which some writers, ancient and modem, have im- 
agined was the plague. It is a plausible conjecture that the 
fifth and sixth plagues have been combined in the Scripture 
record. " If we might suppose the narrative of the plagues 
to be based on a simpler narrative, which would bear to be 
treated as matter of fact description, we might expect that in 
the original narrative, the sixth plague represented the plague 
proper (bubonic) which is confined to man; while the fifth 
plague stood for epizootic disease in general." ^ 

That the sixth was bubonic plague is very probable, but it is 
a mistake to say it is a disease confined to man. " Nor was it 
mankind alone that the plague thus harassed as with a 
scourge," writes Nicephorus Gregoras of the Black Death of 
the fourteenth century, "but all other anintals which dwelt 
with or associated with human beings who took the disease, 
dogs and horses and fowls as well, and even the mice that 
lived within) the walls of their houses." Similar testimony 
comes from many other places where the plague has prevailed. 
Oxen, sheep, deer, swine, goats, buffaloes, jackals, rats, mice, 
and other animals have all been attacked by it. Indeed, it 
is a serious question whether epidemics of bubonic plague in 
cattle have not been mistaken oftentimes for rinderpest. Yer- 
sin, a great authority on this subject, states that without mak- 
ing a bacteriological examination it is extremely difficult to 
* Encyclopcedla BlWica, article " Bolls." 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

422 The Plagues of Egypt. [July, 

distinguish the one disease from the other in the lower ani- 
mals. Others write to the same effect.^ 

It adds to the verisimilitude of the sacred narrative to find 
a murrain in animals preceding bubonic plague in man, for the 
chronological connection between the two has been observed 
frequently. In 1842 a severe epizootic in Egypt lasted nine 
months and was followed by plague, as the people had antici- 
pated. During the famine which prevailed there from a.d. 
1064 to 1071, " vehement drought and pestilence continued for 
seven consecutive years, so that the people ate corpses, and 
animals that died of themselves ; the cattle perished." When 
the plague raged in Gaza, 22,000 people and most of the ani- 
mals were carried oflf within six weeks. An old English 
chronicle of the plague of the fourteenth century relates that 
" after this pestilens followed a moreyn of bestis, which had 
never be seyn." Elsewhere it is said, "The lower animals 
shared with their masters the affliction of this dread visitation. 
It was at once a cattle plague, a sheep murrain, and a dog dis- 
temper; even the humbler cats and fowls were attacked. In 
one pasture there died five thousand sheep, and the bodies 
were so putrid, that neither beast nor bird would touch them. 
All this abroad as well as in England." So in modem times. 
In North Africa, India, China, epizootics with a very heavy 
mortality have preceded outbreaks of bubonic plague.* In the 
light of these indisputable facts, the conjunction of the two 
scriptural plagues is very remarkable, and points strongly to 

^ ** Many septicffimic diseases met with in animals are analogous to 
plague in man. From a clinical point of view, the appearances pre- 
sented by such animals have so resembled plague that Orientals are 
firmly convinced that epidemics of a similar disease to plague break 
out among their animals some time previous to the occurrence of 
plague in man" (Hunter, The Lancet, July 14, 1906). 

» Simpson, Treatise on Plague, pp. 22, 46, 89, 98, 100, 103, 127. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Plagues of Egypt. 423 

the sixth plague having been bubonic, whatever the fifth 
plague may have been. 

The plague season in Egypt, within the period of exact 
records, has begun as early as September and as late as Jan- 
uary, has reached its height in March and April (the time of 
the Jewish Passover), and has ended with great regularity, 
almost suddenly, in the latter part of June. 

Epidemics of plague vary greatly in virulency and diffusive 
power. The medical observers of the Egyptian epidemic of 
1834-35 state that the great majority of the population felt its 
influence, though not actually attacked by it. Those suflfering 
from this Aura pestilentice, as it was called, had painful glands 
in the groins and armpits, the pain being usually slight but in- 
creased by pressure or movement of the muscles. Other 
symptoms were malaise, giddiness, want of appetite, etc. 
Those affected did not cease from business. Undoubtedly 
this was plague itself, but in an extremely mild form. In the 
next degree of severity, besides the symptoms just mentioned, 
there were observed slight feverishness, frontal headache, al- 
tered expression of the face, nausea sometimes follo>Ved by 
vomiting, buboes and superficial carbuncles, wWch appeared 
together or one after the other in different glandular regions. 
The buboes terminated by resolution, suppuration, or indura- 
tion. The patients seldcmi took to bed, and the termination 
was never fatal.^ This mild form of plague is known as pestis 
minor. It was the sixth plague. 

" Buboes with superficial carbuncles " may well be consid- 
ered the equivalent of " boils with blains." Terms descriptive 
of affections of the skin have always, ami in every language, 
been used very loosely. Thus in the English registers of the 
fourteenth century the external symptoms of plague are de- 
^ Simpson, Treatise on Plague, p. 163. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

424 The Plagues of Egypt. [July, 

scribed as knobs, swellings, kernels, biles, Wains, Misters, jrim- 
ples, wheals, plague-sores.* In somie epidemics, there is an 
eruption of pustules resembling small-pox. The presence of 
" blains " with the buboes or " boils " may also be accounted 
for by the fact that plague would find many of its victims 
among those with "Nile sores" and other cutaneous affec- 
tions of the lower limbs, for the virus of the disease clings to 
the soil, whence it readily gains entrance into the system 
through any breach of continuity of the skin. It has been 
argued with great cogency that the elaborate pains taken in 
the best period of ancient Egypt to preserve soil from putrefy- 
ing animal matters were inspired by the risk of plague, and 
must have been effective to a high degree. 

This pestis minor afflicted large numbers of the Egyptians 
with more or less severity. No rank of life escaped; for, 
while gaining an easy entrance into the houses of the poor, 
plague also creeps into kings' palaces. " For whether they dif- 
fered from one another in dwelling places or in manner of 
living, or in their pursuits, or any respect whatsoever, so long 
as the plague prevailed, the diflferences availed them not"^ 
Many royal personages have fallen victims to it In the Jus- 
tinian epidemic, it touched the person of the emperor. King 
Hezekiah fell sick with it.* The Assyrian king, Assur-nazir- 
pal I. the son of Samsi-Rimman, evidently suffered from it, to 
judge by his address to the goddess Istar : — 

'' In what have I Binned against thee? 
Why hast thon allotted me disease, boils, and pestilence? 
Is this thy Jnst decree? 
I am broken in pieces, and rest I find not 
On the throne of my kingdom." 

* Barnes, History of Edward III., p. 432. 

• Procopius, De Bello Persico, lib. ii. c. xxii., xxiii. 
'Biblical Epidemics of Bubonic Plague, Bibliotheca Sacra. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Plagues of Egypt. 425 

From the remarkabk words spoken by Moses to Pharaoh at 
the close of the sixth plague, it is more than probable that 
Pharaoh himself was smitten with the disease. 

Such an event must have stirred profoundly the minds of 
^ Egyptians. To them the reigning sovereign was the liv- 
ing image and vicegerent of the sun-god. His divinity was 
proclaimed not only by himself in official documents, but also 
by his people in their literary effusions, and in works of art 
even more eloquently than by words. 

". . . . What spires are to a modem city — ^what the towers of a ca- 
thedral are to its nave and choir — ^that the temples of the Pharaohs 
were to the streets and temples of Thebes. The ground is strewn 
with their fragments; there were avenues of them towering high 
above plain and houses. Three of gigantic size still remain. One 
was the granite statue of Rameses himself, who sat on the right 
side of the entrance to his place. By some extraordinary catastro- 
phe, the statue has been thrown down, and the Arabs have scooped 
their millstones out of his face ; but you can still see what he was — 
the largest statue in the world. Far and wide that enormous head 
must have been seen, eyes, mouth and ears. Far and wide you must 
have seen his vast hands resting on his el^hantine knees. You sit 
on his breast and look at the Osiride statues which support the por- 
tico of the temple, and which anywhere else would put to shame 
even the statues of the cherubs in St Peter's — and they seem pig- 
mies before him. His arm is thicker than their whole bodies. The 
only part of the temple or palace at all in proportion to him, must 
have been the gateway, which rose in pyramidal towers, now broken 
down, and rolling in a wide ruin down to the plain. 

"Nothing which now exists in the world can give any notion of 
what the effect must have been when he was erect ... No one who 
entered that building, whether it were a temple or palace, could have 
thought of anything else but that stupendous being who thus had 
raised hUnself up above the whole world of gods and men. 

'' And when from the statue you descend to the palace, the same 
impression is kept up. Everywhere the king is conquering, worship- 
ping, ruling. The palace is the Temple, the king is priest But 
everjrwhere the same colossal proportions are preserved. He and 
his horses are ten times the size of the rest of the army. Alike in 
battle and in worship, he is of the same stature as the gods them- 
selves. Most striking is the familiar gentleness with which — one on 
either side — ^they take him by each hand, as one of their own order, 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

426 The Plagues of Egypt. [July, 

and then in the next compartment introduce him to Ammon and 
the lion-headed goddess. Every distinction, except of degree, l)e- 
tween divinity and royalty, is entirely levelled, and the royal majesty 
is always represented by making the king, not like Saul or Agamem* 
non, from the head and shoulders, but from the foot and ankle up- 
wards, higher than the rest of the people. 

" It carries one back to the days when there were giants on the 
earth. It shows how the king, in that first monarchy, was the visible 
God upon earth. ... No pure Monotheism could for a moment have 
been compatible with such an intense exaltation of the conquering 
king'' (Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. xxxv). 

The Egyptians were therefore thoroughly disheartened by 
their king's illtiiess. When the emperor Justinian lay sick with 
the plague, the public consternation was so great as to par- 
alyze all industry, and the idleness and despondency of the 
people occasioned a great scarcity of food. The consternation 
of the Egyptians must have been far greater, because of their 
deeper veneration of Pharaoh. And to them there was no 
incongruity between his divinity and his sickness. Under the 
name of god, they did not understand, as we do, a being with- 
out body, parts, or passions; the gods are described as suf- 
fering from hunger and thirst, old age, disease, fear, and sor- 
row. They perspire, their limbs quake, their head aches, their 
teeth chatter, their eyes weep, their nose bleeds, " poison takes 
possession of their flesh, even as the Nile takes possession of 
the land." They may be stung by reptiles and burnt by fire. 
They shriek and howl with pain and grief. All the great gods 
require protection. Osiris is helpless against enemies, and his 
remains are protected by his wife and sister. Hathor extends 
her wings as a protection over the victorious Horus ; yet Ha- 
thor in her turn needs protection, and even the sun-god Ra, 
though invested with the predicates of supreme divinity, re- 
quires the aid of the goddess Isis.^ To the Egyptians the 
king^s illness was an appalling sign of the hour and the power 
^ Renouf , The Religion of Ancient Egypt, p. 89. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Plagues of Egypt. 427 

of their great Adversary, and their hearts were troubled and 

What was the effect of his illness upon the king himself ? 
Despite the prospect held before his imagination of meeting 
the gods in the next world on friendly, almost equal terms, he 
was probably no more anxious to leave this world than the 
poorest of his subjects. And the thought ccMifronted him that, 
after death, he too had to stand in the presence of the " mighty 
god, the Prince of everlastingness, who counteth his years, 
who hearkeneth unto those who are in the islands, who raiseth 
his right shoulder, who judgeth the divine princes," and have 
his heart weighed in the Great Balance in the Hall of Double 
Truth. Considering his rank and the times in which he lived, 
it is not to be supposed that he had the delicate conscience of 
the Christian, but judging him only by the Egyptian standard 
of right conduct, what grounds had he for thinking the verdict 
would be in his favor, that it would be decreed no wickedness 
was found in him? When he remembered his treatment of 
the Hebrews he could not honestly plead : — ^ 

** In truth I have come to thee, and I have brought right and tmth 
to thee, and I have destroyed wickedness for thee. I have not 
wrought evil. I have not made it to be the first consideration of 
each day that excessive labor should be performed for me. I have 
not ill treated servants. I have not thought scorn of God. I have 
not caused misery. I have not caused affliction. I have not caused 
pain. I have made no man to suiYer hunger. I have made no one 
to weep. I have not inflicted pain upon mankind. I have not re- 
pulsed God in his manifestations.*'^ 

In all these things his conscience reproved him. 

Doubtless the priests offered prayers for his recovery, and 
performed their rites and incantations ; but was not the king's 
heart softened by his illness, for the time at least, and did he 
not himself pray for the prolongation of his days to that hid- 
^ Book of the Dead, Introduction to Maati, Papyrus of Nu, sheet 22. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

428 The Plagues of Egypt. [July, 

den, inscrutable, and alnrighty God, in whom the best and 
wisest of the Egyptians secretly believed,— One who, in that 
land of multitudinous idols, had neither ministrant nor offer- 
ings; who was not adored in sanctuaries, or in shrines with 
painted figures; — ^the Lord of miercy, most loving, at whose 
coming mten live ? It would seem so, for the king recovered, 
and hardened his heart, but the heart is only hardened by its 
wilful resistance to truth and goodness. 

In the sacred narrative nothing is said as to the cessation of 
the plague. In accordance with its usual course, it lasted 
therefore during the months of winter and spring, subsiding 
spontaneously on the approach of the hot weather, for it is 
a disease mtuch influenced by seasonal changes. But in Egypt, 
as in other coimtries where plague is a frequent visitant, the 
epidemic of pestis minor in one year is often the precursor of 
an epidemic the next year of plague in its miost contagious and 
malignant forms,* Such was to be the course of events in this 
series of plagues. Moses comes before Pharaoh, reproves 
him for his pride and perversity, and then gives stem warn- 
ing of a second and far more terrible visitation of plague. 
" For I will this time send all my plagues upon thine heart, 
and upon thy servants, and upon thy people. For now had I 
put forth my hand, and smitten tfiee and thy people with [the 
full strength of] the pestilence, thou hadst been cut off frcmi 
the earth : but in every deed for this cause I have made thee to 

^Peatia minor has been observed in Mesopotamia preceding severe 
epidemics of ordinary plague: In the city of Astrakan in 1877 (the 
year before the severe outbreak in that province) and elsewhere. 
(Allbutt, System of Medicine, vol. 1. p. 92a) 

It has been remarked on two occasions in Russia and in Persia, 
that outbreaks of plague were preceded by a sporadic or epidemic 
febrile, sometimes afebrUe, affection in the coarse of which the lym- 
phatic glands became enlarged and perhaps snppnrated. (Manson, 
op. cit, p. 150.) 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Plagues of Egypt. 429 

stand [i.e., have raised thee up from sickness], for to show 
thee my power" (Ex. ix. 14-16; Rom. ix. 17).* 

So the national tragedy is not yet complete. The mills of 
God are to grind further, and to grind exceeding small. As 
stated by an old writer, God executed his judgments upon 
Pharaoh and his people by little and little, giving them place 
of repentance, not being ignorant that they were a naughty 
generation, that their malice was bred in them, and that their 
cogfitations would never be changed. (Wisdom of Solomon 
xii. 10.) This ends the first cycle of plagues; it lasted about 
one year. 

^ The word #^i7<«P« is taken to mean, *' I have raised thee up from 
sickness," ** I have preserved thee, and not taken thy life as I might 
have done." This is in all probability the meaning of the original 
Hebrew, ** I made thee to stand." It is certainly that of the Septu- 
agint, which paraphrases the words dternpijerit, it is supported also 
t^ a reading in the Hezapla, dmiipnaA ^c; by the Targom of Onkelos, 
Bmtinui te ut oatenderum tibi; and the Arabic, Te reservavi ut oaten- 
derem tibi. '^rytiptiv is used (1 Cor. vL 14) of resurrection from 
the dead, and the simple verb iyttpuv in James v. 15 means " raising 
from sickness." (Sanday and Headlam, International Commentary 
on Bomans, on ix. 17.) 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

430 The Samaritan Sabbath, [July, 





The following is tlie ttiird cliapter of a manuscript volume by the 
High Priest of the Samaritans on the rites and customs of his peo- 
ple. The first two chapters have already appeared in the Biblio- 
THECA Sacba. (July, 1906 and 1907). 

It cannot fail of interest to us to know in what manner the Sa- 
maritans observe the Sabbath day. In our New Testament lessons 
we are perplexed at times to know at just what points the scribes 
of Jesus' day had enlarged upon the legitimate applications of the 
Law of Moses to conditions of their own time. The customs of the 
Samaritans, while they cannot settle, do cast a side-light upon, these 
questions. They show to us a rigidly Sabbatarian sect; yet with 
very interesting differences from the customs of the Jews. These 
differences the High Priest discusses in detail. His treatise is an 
interesting, and in some respects an important, contribution to the 
literature of the Sabbath. 

William B. Babton. 


A!s to the Sabbath and the manner of its observance and 
what must be done on it, in so far as the ceremonies current 
among the Santaritans are concerned, explanations are given 
in the following pages. Points of difference existing between 
us and the Jews will be shown to the reader, and substan- 
tial proofs will be adhered to convince him that the Jews vio- 
late the Sabbath through their unlawful practices. 

^ Translated from the Arabic by E^fessor Abdullah Ben Kori, of 
Pacific University, Forest Grove, Oregon ; edited by William E. Bar- 
ton, D.D., Oak Park, Illinois. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Samaritan Sabbath. 431 


From the outset every Samaritan individual must prepare 
himself for the observance of this noble day on Friday, which 
is the sixth day in the creation of the world, thereby following 
the command given in the Torah (Ex. xvi. 23) to the effect 
that the preparation for the Sabbath must be made on the 
sixth day. On this day all Samaritans procure for themselves, 
each according to his need and as far as his means may per- 
mit, the required provisions for both Friday and the Sabbath, 
and in such a state of preparation they await the oncoming 
Sabbath, on which they are commanded not to work. Qeans- 
ing of the bocfy and changing the garments are also strictly 
carried out by them on the day of Friday. 


About sunset on Friday they present themselves at the 
house of worship, where they offer their prayers, which are 
composed for that time and are of a brief nature, handed down 
to them from ancient times. With these prayers they are quite 
familiar, and it mlust be said that for offering them no more 
than thirty minutes are required. After prayer, those having 
food with them may eat it. Thereafter each family comes to- 
gether (in the house of worship) ; and, forming a circle, they 
read portions of the Scriptures, known to them as the Surahs 
of the Sabbath, containing a memorial of the sabbatical duties, 
the worship of God (who is exalted) and the blessings due 
from the observance of the day. This is done after a very 
ancient custom. Having finished the reading of these surahs, 
they sing a hymn of most excellent sentiments. It contains 
thoughts that magnify God (msay he be exalted), praises of 
thanks and gfratitude and acts of the humblest adoration. 


This ended, a number of them, desiring to rest, lie down 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

432 The Samaritm Sabbaih. [July, 

for a time to rise at an early hour, that the other number may 
also rest a part of the night, and the reading of the Scriptures 
may not cease throughout the whole night until one hour or 
one and a half before daybreak, a short time before the morn- 
ing prayer. Then the High Priest comes to begin the public 
prayer, according to the customf which is current among us, 
and to the rules and regulations which we have nowadays. 

Portions of that prayer are taken from the writings of holy 
men, such as our lords Moses and Joshua (upon them be 
peace), and the elders of Israel in the days of the pleasure of 
God (may he be exalted), and from the writings of our doc- 
tors and the teachers and bulwarks of our religlcm. In addi- 
tion to the foregoing are read therewith various other portions 
of the holy Torah. The reading is accompanied by appro- 
priate kneelings, prostrations, risings to the feet, and by the 
uplifting and spreading of the hands. One part of the service 
is conducted by the High Priest alone, which he reads or de- 
livers, such as preaching, lecturing, announcing, or reading; 
while the whole people, great and small, stand before him, in 
their white clothes with white coats, in all respect and devo- 
tion, the learned occupying the foreground and the illiterate 
standing behind, but the priestly family, related to our lords 
Moses and Aaron (upon them be peace), together with the 
High Priest, take the precedence of all. The prayer lasts a 
period of four hours and a half, with the addition of other 
suitable portions, which are read on a feast day, if such a feast 
falls on the Sabbath. At the end of the pi^yer everybody re- 
turns home. 


Now the Bible is divided with them into forty-eight sab- 
batical divisions, according to the number of the Sabbaths of 
the year. Every family therefore or tribe comes together, and 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Safnaritan Sabbath. 433 

reads that portion of the Torah which is designed for that 
particular Sabbath. 

The Samaritan division of the Torah into sabbatical sections 
is so well defined that it applies both to the ordinary year and 
to leap-year. Thus for every Sabbath they have a special por- 
tion to read, and each portion is divided into several surahs, 
contrary to the division the Jews have. The Torah is divided 
by the Samaritans into nine hundred and sixty-three surahs. 
The one who opens the reading is the oldest member of the 
family or the most venerable of the tribe. He reads the first 
surah of that particular portion with a well-known intonation, 
and with punctuations for each single verse, according to the 
traditions handed to them anciently from the elders of the 
days of Blessing unto this day. And when the reader has 
finished His surah, those present reply with the well-known 
Hebrew expression meaning "well done, my lord.'^ The 
next person to him on the right reads the second surah in the 
same manner, and still the next person on Ms right reads the 
third surah, until in this way every one of those present has 
shared in the reading, to the end of the given portion, in all 
good order. 


Thereupon a hymn which belongs to the sabbatical portion 
is read. It is a composition of our doctors, containing thanks- 
giving and praise, and is sung with a splendid melody. Food 
is then passed around, and he who may desire to rest a short 
time may <Jo so before the noonday sabbatical prayer. Some, 
however, continue to read until the appointed time for prayer ; 
others go to the house of worship and listen to what may be 
helpful to thent, as given by the teachers of our religion, who 
received their instruction from the former teachers of our 


Vol. LXV. No. 259. 3 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

434 The Samaritan Sabbath. [July, 


In the meanwhile the time set for prayer is at hand ; it be- 
gins exactly at six o'clock at noon. The prayers of that time 
and their requirements are a substitution for both the sabbat- 
ical and the daily or continuous offerings. It is among the 
obligatory prayers with them, together with that of the evening 
and the morning. The noonday prayer must be made in ac- 
cordance with a set of rules which are well known and handed 
to them by traditions. 


After the noonday service has been finished, together with its 
adjuncts, some of those in the temple go home and partake of 
their food; others remain, and are given something to eat, 
awaiting the hour for the evening prayer; for the evening 
prayer, according to them, begins a half hour before sunset. 
It is introduced by a short sabbatical prayer, called the Prayer 
of Departure, in which is made mention of the state of our 
forefathers of Israel when they were by the sea and the Egyp- 
tians were close after them*, when, as a result, they were 
exceedingly afraid. Mention is also made of the state of 
tranquillity which was brought about by the apostle Moses 
(upon whom be peace), and his help; for, according to them, 
this event took place on the evening of the Sabbath, when they 
left Egypt. They departed on the morning of Thursday and 
encamped at the sea-shore on Saturday ; on this day the Egyp- 
tians pursued' them and entered the sea on Sunday: so the 
traditions declare. After this prayer a hymn is read. It is one 
that was composed by one of theSr high priests, and contains 
the qualities and excellences of the day of Sabbath, that it 
may be observed with zeal for the good reward of those who 
observe it in worship; and that God may be praised and ex- 
alted on that day. 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Samaritan Sabbath. 435 

Wh€n the prayer of departure is ended, another one begins. 
It is that of the night of the Sabbath. 


Now, according to the faith of the Samaritans, the obliga- 
tory prayers of the day of Sabbath are seven. 

First, the prayer of the eve of the Sabbath. 

Secondly, the reading of the sabbatical surahs and their ad- 
juncts, as we have said before. 

Thirdly, the morning prayer of the day of the Sabbath. 

Fourthly, the reading of the necessary portions and their 
adjuncts, as we have already stated. 

Fifthly, the noonday prayer of the Sabbath. 

Sixthly, the reading together of the portions that we have 
already stated from right to left and left to right, surah by 
surah, together with the prayer of glorification, exaltations and 
praisegivings, composed by the wise and most learned writer, 
the famous High Priest, Merkah. This learned man com- 
po^d four dissertations for the fourth Sabbath of the month. 
Each Sabbath has its own dissertation. He also wrote a fifth 
dissertation, in case the month may contain five Sabbaths. 

Seventhly, the Prayer of Departure, which we have also 
mentioned before. 

These are the seven prayers that belong to the day of Sab- 
bath and which it is our custom to perform on that day. 


On that day, the Samaritans believe that it is not lawful to 
perform the least work, following the command of the noble 
revelation, as found in the Torah and of which the explana- 
tion may be given later on. It is not also lawful among them 
to speak about their business, or of anything that may bring 
profit to them. It is not lawful among them to sail the seas, 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

436 The Samaritan Sabbath. [July, 

neither to leave for the outskirts of the town in which they 
live. They destroy entirely their fire, beginning with the 
evening on the day of Friday. They have no artificial light 
on the night of the Sabbath, and all their food on the day of 
the Sabbath is prepared for them on the day of Friday, and is 
kept apart from contact or the influence of fire. On that day 
they absolutely forbear from approaching their wives or of 
touching anything made on the Sabbath through fire, whether 
it be for them or for others. They even avoid visiting on that 
day with people of a different religion. 

They possess, in the books of their instructors and learned 
men, discussions and thorough investigations as to the differ- 
ences existing between them and the Jews, with reference to 
the keeping of the Sabbath. 


Let us now mention briefly, as usual, the various ordinances 
which this people have for keeping the Sabbath. The ordi- 
nances are divided under various divisions and subdivisions. 

First, the absolute cessation from labor. 

Secondly, the refraining from leaving their homes and go- 
ing into other places. 

Thirdly, the necessity of being pure on that day, both out- 
wardly and inwardly. The keepers of the Sabbath must not 
expose themselves to what may defile them, whether it be by 
an act of the soul or of the body. 

Fourthly, cessation from labor and sanctifying the time im- 
ply that worship must be perfomned on that day; for the 
time is fitted for it, yea, even every admonition applied to the 
fulfilment of holiness must be observed. It is done by read- 
ing the Scriptures, by praying, and by sanctifying and exalt- 
ing the Creator of all things. (Read Num. xx. 12.) As to 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Samaritm Sabbath. 437 

the cessation from all kinds of work, we understand the same 
from the saying of God : " See that God has made for you 
the Sabbath; therefore let every man among you remain in 
his place " ; also, " Let no man leave his place on the Sabbath, 
and let the people cease from working on the day of the Sab- 

Cessation from work is much to be desired for the Sabbath, 
and is indeed the first essential, but wlorshdp is also an essen- 
tial, and is the ftmdamental principle of the day. 


To cease from working is necessary, simply for the purpose 
of worship; idleness has not in itself any praiseworthy ele- 
ment unless the rest is coupled with worship. And keeping 
the time itself of the Sabbath and magnifying it result in 
sanctifying the Creator of it 


For the time itself is like any other, had the Creator not 
fitted it for his worship. Compare " and God blessed the day 
of the Sabbath and sanctified it;" that is to say he made it 
fitted and suitable for worship, and it has ever been among 
the holy days even from the beginning. Time in itself has no 
energy : it is an eflfect. The cause is the mioving place, which 
divides it by its movements. God is the prime Creator (may 
he be exalted), both of the divisions of time and of their 
moral significance. The undivided firmament, unbroken by a 
single line or zero point from which reckoning might b^n, is 
the receptacle of timie. It is unitary, and has no divisions into 
days and hours, for time exists outside the planetary system. 
When the Place ^ was created, and was made to move out, and 

* " The great Place," as used by the priest, Is the earth, with those 
of the heavenly bodies that, related to it, constitute a measure of 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

438 The Samaritan Sabbath. [July, 

was given a certain movement, passing through a certain 
amount of space, that period which it occupies in making the 
required definite distance is called time. But, besides the great 
Race, God (may he be exalted) created others, ambng them 
is the sun. Planets pass a certain amount of space around 
it, turning upon themselves to the extent of a period of a day. 
Motion was at first from) the north to the south, beginning 
with the sign of Aries and ending with the sign of Libra. 
From the first motion we have the day and night, and from the 
second we have the various seasons. God (who is exalted) 
has established a time of worship in accordance with the days 
and seasons of the year, that we may know that he created 
divisible time, and has separated it from' the meridian; that 
he created place and all existence, fitted them for their func- 
tions which are voluntarily done. It becomes therefore in- 
cumbent upon us to remember his mercies, which are both 
general and particular, by worshiping him, sanctifying him, 
and exalting him, which are called the fulfilment of right- 


It may be remarked here that some portions of the day are 
nobler than others, provided that worship is to cover only a 
part of the day. Thus the morning and the evening are the 
noblest parts of the day. If the worship is to cover the whole 
day, that day must be entirely m!ade holy, as in case of the 
Sabbath and the various festival days. 

The relations of the place must not also be neglected. Buy- 
ing and selling must not be done in it. For both time and 
place in which worship is obligatory must have a peculiar 
standing of purity. 


On the day of the Sabbath we should not resort to a place 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

1908.] The Samaritan Sabbath. 439 

wherein corranerce is ordinarily transacted, but which on that 
day is prohibited by God (may he be exalted), nor to a place 
wherein live people who do not believe in the Sabbath's no- 
bility and due observance. In this respect our customs are 
contrary to the conduct of the Jews, who violate the command 
of the supreme Leg^islator (may he be exalted), namely, "It 
shall be a holy day to you in all your dwelling-places/' If 
there be in the place any one who does not believe in sancti- 
fying the Sabbath and ceasing entirely from work, the Jews 
deal with him, thereby making the place unfit through having 
intercourse with a nlan who neither believes nor understands 
the keeping of both place and time. The command of the 
supreme God (may he be exalted) must be obeyed. The Jews, 
however, render null the corranand, and observe that of Jere- 
miah xvii. 22, forbidding the wearing of rings on the Sabbath 
according to what he said, " Db not carry burdens out of your 
houses on the day of the Sabbath." They prohibit even the 
wearing of a ring, but make it lawiul unto themselves to go 
out of the town on the day of the Sabbath a distance of about 
two thousand yards. Do they not render null the command 
of the supreme God (whose name is exalted), which reads, 
" It shall be a rest unto you in all your dwellings " ? God 
(may he be exalted) mieans here that one's movements should 
be confined only to a place wherein the Sabbath is legally kept, 
and wherein no work is done, whether it be the exchange of 
commiodities or the coming in or going out for a gain, which 
in themselves defile the place. 

What the Jews do is, therefore, wrong, viewed from all 
sides, and contradicts the comlmand of the supreme God (who 
is to be adored), " Let no man go out of his place on the day 
of the Sabbath." Now the word Makorm, meaning " place/' 
signifies both the general and the particular place. It is ap- 

Digitized by CjOOQ IC 

440 The Samaritan Sabbath. [July, 

plied to the city as a whole or to a dwelKng as a part of it. la 
some cases it may mean either. Then the command of God 
(may he be exalted) mtist be kept with reference to the gen- 
eral meaning of the clause, W need be, rather than with the 
particular, lest in limiting the conumnd to the particular the 
general may be wilfully violated, 


The Israelites who went out to gather manna on the Sab- 
bath committed the following transgressions : they doubted the 
statement of Moses (upon wbom be peace), "To-day you 
shall not find it in the plain." They moved around and went 
beyond the lawful places, to which tbey were not permitted. 
They desired to gather manna, which is equivalent to the act 
of seeking gain, as it is said, " and some of the people went 
out to gather and they found not." They went out to find, 
and if they had found, they would have gathered, while going 
itself is prohibited, as we have mentioned above. They were 
also warned, namely, " You shall not find in the field " ; also, 
" On the seventh day there shall be rest," meaning cessation 
from work. Therefore those who went out violated several 


The Jews also violate the Sabbath through their many unlaw- 
ful practices, and contradict the will of the Legislator, ignor- 
ing his plain purposes as he revealed them. As an illustration : 
they keep fire in their places on that day, and